to Lyndon LaRouche's "New Bretton Woods" policy proposal.
article appears in the June
29, 2001 issue of Executive Intelligence Review.
DEFINE A PHYSICAL-ECONOMIC COLLAPSE
Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr.
wish to know what is going to happen to you in the coming weeks and
months. Then, face certain facts. Learn the lessons of the past mistakes
most of you have been making, repeatedly, over the recent decades. After
studying those facts, understand that the future is often what we make it.
Then, let you answer the question, what is going to happen to you?
For more than thirty-five years, virtually all of the publicly known,
medium- and long-term economic forecasts, by virtually all leading U.S.
governmental agencies and professional economists, have been consistently
wrong. Ask yourself: how many of you believed those sources? How many
believed in the limitless future prosperity of the so-called "new
economy," for example? How many trillions of dollars of
financial-asset values of people who could not afford to lose, were wiped
out in recent months. because those victims were taken in by mass-media
and other reports of endless financial gains "in the market"?
How many of those people lost much more than they could have afforded to
lose, because they rejected the warnings against exactly that impending
collapse, which I caused to be widely circulated?
fact. Contrast that record with all of my own forecasts from the same
period, each of which I placed on the written record; they have all been
the fact, that, despite all that evidence, over all those decades, there
are still many persons, even in high places, who cling to the delusion,
that economic growth can be measured in terms of simple financial
statistics, or even in those increasingly fraudulent, published data
called "market indices."
with those facts, some pretty reasonable observers are asking me and my
associates: "You may have been right in the past, but how can we
decide for ourselves which method is right for the future: your method, or
that represented by so-called `mainstream opinion'?"
I reply to such questions in two steps.
I shall describe the kinds of false assumptions which have misled most
typical forecasters into those erroneous methods of forecasting adopted by
today's mainly downstream mass-media.
after having cleared away some of that jetsam of false beliefs, we shall
be able to focus on the central issue of the appropriate method of making
economic policy today.
task here, is to help you to approximate, at least, the same superior
quality of expert conclusions I have succeeded in producing. Understand
this through your own mental efforts. Then, you, too, will have an insight
into the future, as well as the past. In this report, I shall give you
some crucial hints on reaching an accurate understanding of the dangerous
world economic situation in which you now find yourself.
turning to the pages which will immediately follow, I must perform that
certain chore which must be performed by any competent writer or teacher.
I must consider: For what reader is this report intended? With that
author's responsibility in mind, I have chosen to address a mixed
audience, of not only professionals, but also influential international as
well as national and other political figures, and include a wider audience
of readers who are simply literate lay persons. That requires that the
subject be addressed in a way fully up to relevant professional standards
for competence, but must provide all the intended members of the audience
the opportunity, either to follow me, step by step, through the
re-enactment of the concept presented, or to point to ways in which they
might proceed to work the point out for themselves.
presume, of course, that the reader considers the issue important enough,
that he or she would be willing to spend a certain amount of effort to
learn what you need to know. Shall we say: not any less effort than what
should be the level required for learning to own and drive an automobile,
and perhaps conduct some repairs.
wretched performance, over more than thirty years, of both those U.S.
government and Federal Reserve officials and most academically trained
economics professionals, should suggest to you, how most citizens have
been more or less consistently misled into tolerating the disastrous
policies of our government and political parties over those past decades.
that ignorance of the most important issues of national policy-shaping,
which has become so typical of most of our citizens, could be overcome
through a suitable combination of education and experience. The first fact
to be made clear, is that the believers in the so-called
"market" have been the victims of a swindle, a post-Franklin
Roosevelt delusion, which grew into the form of a mass hysteria,
especially so over the course of the post-Kennedy decades. Once that is
cleared up, the citizen's mind is more likely to be open to discovering
the needed, fresh way of thinking about economics in general.
believe, that if you are willing to study the evidence to which I point,
you will be convinced, that today's popular ignorance of economics can be
cured, on the condition that the victims of popular delusions about the
U.S. economy, are willing to consider the evidence. The problem is not a
lack of those facts which could have been available to a member of the
public who had looked for them. By definition, it is the characteristic
feature of the hysterical victim of an induced delusion, such as today's
widespread notion of "the market," that such persons will simply
refuse to learn, even despite all available evidence to the contrary, and
will cling to their delusions, even to proverbial bitter end.
is that continued, hysterical refusal, among officials, professionals, and
many ordinary citizens, to consider any of that relevant, crucial,
physical evidence, which has misled the U.S. and many other economies, to
the present brink of a very bitter end. This has been the case, even when
all the warning signs of an oncoming financial collapse were available.
know of the cases of relatively many Americans, for example, who said of
me, "Lyndon is wrong. The U.S. is entering a period of great
prosperity under the new economy. Perhaps Europe will be in trouble, but
never the U.S. economy!" There never was any evidence to support that
consoling delusion; it was something self-deluded people chose to believe,
simply because they passionately wished to believe it.
the citizens of the U.S.A., or at least many of them, can overcome the
hangover-like effects of the delusion which increasing numbers of them had
come to share during a period of approximately three decades or more, the
worst would be inevitable, for all of you, during the period immediately
in the pivotal words of playwright Eugene O'Neill's The Iceman
Cometh, the ongoing breakdown of the world's financial system,
combined with the presently accelerating spread of 1930s-depression-like
economic conditions, has taken "the life out of the booze." More
and more of your fellow-citizens, are experiencing a "reality
shock." Among the saner ones, the reaction is, in effect: "I
realize I've been fooled. I am willing to accept that fact." That is
way in which a similarly deluded majority of the U.S. population of the
Coolidge-ridden 1920s, reacted, when they were confronted with the
realities of the 1929-1933 Depression. "Now, perhaps" (but only
"perhaps") "I am ready to understand what it is we must do
to overcome this situation."
is the situation which confronts all of us among leading policy-shapers,
inside and outside governments today. That is the challenge which
confronts the ordinary person trying to see his or her way through the
presently worsening disaster our economy has become.
purpose of this report, is to show to you what is wrong with the delusion
many had come either to adopt, or to regard as the irresistible force of
prevailing political opinion. However, before prescribing the needed
medication, let us agree on the nature of the disease to be cured.
Therefore, I shall now complete my prefatory observations, by describing
one of the most crucial problems in dealing with the present political
situation. What is passing through the minds of those citizens who are
still, even now, gripped by that delusion which has been called
"popular opinion," and which I, with good reason, prefer to call
"vox pox"? How should we describe their continued, still
widespread "state of denial" of the plain, and rapidly
accumulating evidence in front of them?
Those in a
State of Denial
again, the principal cause of the presently onrushing economic
catastrophe, is the relevant moral corruption shared, not only among
leading officials and professionals, but also popular opinion generally.
Among today's common symptoms of that moral corruption, is the utterance
of the magical words, "my money," an utterance often accompanied
by a certain diabolical glint of Nintendo-style threat in the speaker's
poor fools, officials, professionals, and just plain greedy individual
citizens alike, had clung, hysterically, to faith in the delusion, that
"my money," as reported on the fabled "bottom line" of
an accountant's financial statement, is a measure of actual economic
improvement in the physical conditions of both individual life and of the
future of the physical economy of the locality, the nation, or the world.
Citizens so deluded, even believed that very short-term, purely
speculative financial gains, were the pathway to long-term growth of the
real economy! Was this merely "irrational exuberance," or a
vaster and more lunatic re-enactment, by U.S. Federal Reserve Chairman
Alan "Greenspin" himself, of the John Law
"bubble-headedness" of the early Eighteenth Century?
this moment, such a citizen might remind us of some legendary, vacationing
canoeist, who had been cruising dreamily from Duluth, Minnesota, down the
Great Lakes, and is now nearing Niagara Falls. Above the rising din from
that approaching cataract, we hear that fellow-citizen saying, "What
crisis? ! I have been sailing these waters for months now, and I have
not gone over Niagara Falls yet. Why should I believe you now?"
there is more to such tragic denials of reality than simply a lack of
competent knowledge of economy. Sometimes, people are simply so afraid of
facing a frightening reality, that they will refuse to admit the existence
of facts which are staring them in the eye. For example, a sudden and
total collapse of the world's financial system, is not something the
ordinary citizen, or politician, usually wishes to think about. For
example, imagine Bush's Treasury Secretary O'Neill looking at the charts,
which show the downslide, and, on a sudden wishful inspiration, turns the
charts upside down, in his attempt to convince even himself, perhaps, that
the lunatic Bush tax-cut will bring about an upturn in the economy,
looming not many months ahead.
the principal factor driving a victim into such a state of denial of a
reality staring them in the face, is their sense of helplessness in face
of forces which they believe they could not control, even if they wished
to do so. "Who am I, a little guy like me, to take on powerful
interests like those?" As many said words to the following effect, to
me, during the course of the Year 2000 Presidential primary campaign,
"My friends and I are going to pretend I never heard what you just
told me. I am going along to get along. I have to spend all my energy
believing that you are wrong!"
imagine the case of some imaginary Tarzan, who was raised from infancy by
a female chimpanzee. Imagine that fellow being told that that beloved
maternal creature was not his natural mother. He would probably fall into
a paroxysm of four-palmed stamping, shrieking, and tooth-threatening fury,
shrieking, "Lies! Lies! Lies! All lies!" He might bite you! Some
children react similarly to being told that Santa Claus is really only a
figure in a charming fairy-story. People who are afraid to face the sudden
truth placed right in front of their face, are sometimes known to fall
automatically into a fit of screaming denial of the plain truth standing
right in front of them. Facts and science no longer persuade them.
idea of an onrushing total collapse of the world's present financial
system, can produce such Classically tragic flights of insanity in two
kinds of persons.
the first such case, there is a strong inclination to deny the possibility
of a crisis for which he or she knows no feasible alternative. That is the
kind of hysteria to be expected among ordinary U.S. citizens. In the
second case, the affrighted person may be a compulsive financial
speculator. He has been informed of an existing solution, but hates the
remedy more than the disease, as the hard core of the Bush Administration
and its devotees do.
the first case, the victim of the delusion insists that, "You must be
wrong. They will always come up with something!" One is usually left
to wonder exactly who "they" is; perhaps it is "invisible
little green gentlemen under the floorboard," or, the same thing
known by a different name, "the invisible Hand." They may argue,
"Look, we've been in crises before; they always came up with
something. I know they will never let it happen." Will those
"boys in the back room," or, perhaps, "the Invisible
Hand," actually come up with something to keep the system going? Are
you assured that, pickpockets aside, the "Invisible Hand"
the second case, the financier parasite's response is of the form, "I
would rather see this planet exterminated, than that I should have to give
up my way of life!" Obviously, such fellows are extremely dangerous,
if they are allowed to have the power to get their way in such a
Bush leaguers, for example, respond to the present crisis as the pagan god
Zeus would have reacted to the signs of the approaching "twilight of
the gods" of Olympus. Few are more awful, when they have power, than
a cowardly tyrant faced with either an actual or perceived threat to his
power, a tyrant like the Roman Emperors Caligula or Nero, or tragic Adolf
Hitler in his bunker.
both of the two types of cases, the mind of the victim has played a trick.
Therefore, we now begin a close examination of the reasons people allow
themselves to be fooled by popular opinion about economics. Once you are
able to recognize the way in which that kind of trick may be used to
control your mind, you are, at the worst, less likely to be tricked again.
We begin with that fact.
from an Imaginary Goldfish Bowl
again, the subject of this report is economics. By economics, I mean,
first of all, a branch of physical science which was first discovered and
developed by Gottfried Leibniz, over the interval 1671-1716, which he
named "physical economy." Up to the present day,
Leibniz's original definition of that branch of physical science, supplies
the only known basis for the development of political economy as a
branch of physical science. My own original discoveries in this field,
were a continued, qualitative development of notions first introduced to
my thinking, by him.
introduce the treatment of that subject to be presented here, I now supply
a series of indispensable, summary technical definitions of topics to be
referenced in the course of this report.
"physical economy," I mean the individual's physical
relationship to nature as I shall define that relationship, once again, in
a later section of this report. For the moment, I shall emphasize, that it
is a relationship situated within the medium of his or her historically
determined, functional relationship to society.
broadly, the emphasis is upon the relationship to nature of humanity as a
whole, and that of that society in particular, as expressed in three rough
estimates: 1.) The increase of physical output, to society, per
capita, over necessary physical input, from society, per capita; 2.) The
ratio of physical input-output per capita, measured in terms of per square
kilometer of the surface area of the entire society, and the Earth as a
whole, respectively; and, 3.) The correlation of such increases in
physical input-output, with improvement in the life-expectancies and
related demographic characteristics, of growing entire populations over
raw measurements of physical-economic performance, presume efficiently
corresponding changes in society's actions on nature. That means, that the
efficiency of the response of nature to mankind's actions, is improved
through those qualities of willful innovations in man's actions, which are
typified by experimentally validated discoveries of universal physical
principles, as those qualities of innovations are applied to both society
in particular, and nature in general.
I have elaborated the argument, in many locations, over approximately a
half-century to date, the most crucial of the events which define a
successful act of physical economy, is the application of the discovery of
an experimentally validated universal physical principle, as this would be
typified by the reader's re-enactment of Johannes Kepler's original 1605
discovery of a universal principle of gravitation, and Gottfried Leibniz's
related, and also uniquely original discovery of the calculus and of the
still higher, subsuming notion of a monadology.
This quality of action is not limited to what have been customarily termed
"physical principles," but includes similarly defined
discoveries in the domain of what I shall identify, later here, as the
cognitive aspect of human relations, as the latter are typified by
principles of Classical artistic composition.
physical science, I mean the modern definition of experimental physical
science, as introduced to modern European civilization by Nicholas of
Cusa's De Docta Ignorantia.
This is the modern science continued by such avowed followers of Cusa as
Luca Pacioli, Leonardo da Vinci, and Johannes Kepler. This notion of
science is grounded on the general principle, that we know nothing except
that which is experimentally validated as a discovery of a universal
branch of physical science called physical economy, addresses the
discovery, transmission, and cooperative action of experimentally
validated universal physical principles, that to the purpose of increasing
man's power within and over nature. My own original contributions to the
further development of the science of physical economy, typify the
application of Cusa's method of docta ignorantia, as does my praise
for certain crucial aspects of the contributions by V.I. Vernadsky, and my
adoption of the standpoint of Bernhard Riemann's revolutionary definition
of physical geometry.
the practice of that branch of physical science, we are often confronted,
in actual cases, with the pathological effects caused by the persistence
and recurrence of both assumed principles which are false to reality, and
of arbitrary practices whose violation of principles causes destructive
effects during the medium to long term.
the present section of this report, I focus upon the axiomatic features of
those forms of socio-pathological economic behavior, which are relevant to
the root-causes for the presently onrushing, planet-wide financial
collapse. As I have already indicated at the outset, my emphasis in this
present section, is on the increasingly aberrant mass-behavior of the
recent period of approximately thirty-five years, especially U.S. mass
behavior. In the later, following sections, I summarize the needed
alternative to recent U.S. habits in economics and related practice.
Children's Games Adults Play
most of you may have heard the story, that a goldfish, released into a
pond, after months spent swimming in a small bowl, would continue to swim
in the same tight circles to which life in the bowl had accustomed that
creature. While I am willing to apologize to that goldfish, should he
prove to be falsely accused, I shall never be justly compelled to make any
apologies for reporting the "goldfish-bowl-like" behavior of
many of my fellow-citizens, and of most among our own and other nation's
recent choices of elected governments.
inside people's minds often causes them to fool themselves into limiting
their actions to choices within purely imaginary boundaries. They might
say, "I did that because I had no choice," when, in fact, there
were no grounds which were both real and rational, for accepting such
limitations on their choices of behavior.
my childhood and youth it was widespread practice to use concrete for
sidewalks, frequently with the result that each portion of the sidewalk
was separated by a crack from the next. Usually, the concrete developed
additional cracks. Sometimes, I observed a fellow walking strangely along
such a cracked walkway. Curiosity led me to recognize that the awkward
gait of such poor fellows, was often caused by his effort not to step on
any of the cracks. Brick
sidewalks invited similar behavior. The same kind of behavior was
prescribed in certain commonplace children's schoolyard and sidewalk
games. There was an "old wive's tale" that matched such plainly
neurotic (or, psychotic) behavior: "Step on a crack; break your
general, there are two kinds of boundaries imposed upon willful human
behavior. In one case, the boundary is an efficient physical boundary,
which may be fairly described, for that place in time, as existing
independently of the individual's, or society's will. In the alternate
case, the boundary is not a natural one, but is either purely
psychological, or the result of some legal fiction. Sometimes, these
psychological boundaries are recognized as examples of neurotic or
psychotic behavior; in other cases, the actions may be equally absurd in
fact, but, because they occur in the guise of obedience to either
political authority, or some popular convention, that society does not
usually consider such behavior to be "abnormal" in any general
sense of the term, nor as specifically neurotic or psychotic, even when
the latter assessment is the only objective one. For example, the belief
that society must work within the bounds of what is called "free
trade," rather than the American System of political-economy, of
Alexander Hamilton, the Careys, and List, is such a delusion.
mechanism by which such artificial kinds of pathological behavioral values
become socially induced forms of irrational behavior, is typified by
studies of the manner in which children play and invent games. Among
adults, that childish tradition is typified by the kind of purely
positive, virtually fascist doctrine of law, as such rules are made up
childishly, in such forms as the influence of Carl Schmitt, the architect
of the Nazi legal system, or the similar behavior of U.S. Supreme Court
Associate Justice Antonin Scalia.
childish trait may also be exhibited in the classroom, where students have
often been conditioned into interpreting the universe according to the
conventional classroom definitions, axioms, and postulates of a so-called
Euclidean geometry. In such a geometry, as taught at the schoolroom
blackboard, so-called conventional forms of arbitrary beliefs rule as
axioms, instead of experimentally demonstrated universal physical
principles. So, the child may grow up to become that unfortunate adult,
who claims to "know" only the traditions which "my parents
and schools have taught me."
same childish trait also occurs in the stubborn declaration, "I
believe only what my senses tell me," by the poor fish who insists
that the universe outside his aquarium is the pictures which a child had
pasted on the exterior surface of that aquarium, or the poor couch potato
who believes that the world at large is what is told and shown to him by
his Orwellian television set. Such are examples of the ways for
substituting the methods of childish games for conceptions of the real
the evidence, that not only individual persons, but even entire societies
fool themselves in such ways, how could you, confined within the skin on
which your living existence depends, distinguish what is real about
objects existing outside your skin, from the objects of a fantasy-world?
with the case of the person who is deluded by the assumption that,
"What is real, is what my senses tell me." What are that
person's senses, that he should rely upon them in that way? Should we,
perhaps, recognize as behind such truculent utterances, a fearful note of
hysteria, the plaint of what one famous American described,
autobiographically, as "a life of quiet desperation"?
yourself, "What are our senses?" These faculties of sight,
hearing, touch, and smell, are what are fairly described as sources of
impulses ostensibly transmitted to the brain by what we call sense-organs.
These sense-organs are, in turn, living tissue, tissues secreted by the
elaboration of our bodies, tissues, some of which are part of the brain
itself, which transform their sensations into what becomes the input sent
into the brain.
is sent to the brain, is the sense-organ's reaction to a stimulus, not
that which prompted the stimulus. There is nothing in the sensation
itself, or in the "message" it transmits to the brain, which is
a truly objective representation of the event to which the sense-organ has
reacted. Our sensations may usually reflect events which have actually
occurred outside our skins, but there is nothing in the perceptions
associated with those sensations, which is, functionally, an actual
replica of the experienced events.
would therefore be badly, even tragically mistaken, if you simply assumed
that reality is primarily what you consider the experience of your senses.
The experience may be real, but the implied outside agency might not have
existed; even if the outside stimulus had existed, you had no evidence
from sense-perception as such, from which to conclude, that that which
occurred outside your skin, was "objectively" in the form your
brain interprets its sense-experiences as such. Therefore, those who
actually know much of anything about such matters, have rejected the
childish superstition, that "seeing is believing."
as We Know It
greatest philosopher of European civilization, and founder of its
scientific method, Plato, compared such sense-experiences to shadows on
the irregular surface of the wall of a dimly firelit cave. Unless the
sense-organs have made a mistake—which they sometimes do, the shadow you
call experience is the shadow of something which has, functionally, real
existence; but, that perception is not the same thing as the reality which
has caused the shadow to appear to your senses. As modern microphysics
illustrates this point, perhaps most forcefully, the challenge is to
discover what caused that shadow to appear to your senses.
are characteristics of the healthy form of those cognitive processes we
attribute to the human brain, which prompt us to assess it as a most
remarkable living organ. The point is to know what it is that that organ
actually does, not to credit it with all kinds of things it does not, and
could not do.
the first question is: What do we mean by the word "to know"?
The second, follow-up question, is: "What is it possible to know, and
the case of the mythical goldfish, the assumption has been made, that the
goldfish learns to behave in conformity with what behaviorists call a
"conditioned reflex." It is assumed, that repeated experience,
such as bumping against walls, "teaches" the goldfish to move
within certain ranges equivalent to those of the repeatedly experienced
behaviorist argument is a copy of the argument made by the
Eighteenth-Century, pro-satanic ideologue, Bernard Mandeville,
the argument adopted by Friedrich von Hayek's and Professor Milton
Friedman's Mont Pelerin Society.
The same assumption was made on behalf of feudalism by Physiocrat Dr. François
Quesnay, and Quesnay's wild-eyed laissez-faire argument was copied
by Lord Shelburne's lackey Adam Smith. Among disordered minds such as
those of Mandeville, Quesnay, and Smith, like the notorious Bogomil (Cathar)
cult before them, the belief prevails, that, under the statistical
floorboards of the empiricist's universe, there dwell invisible little
green men, known to some as "the Invisible Hand."
This "invisible hand," is the pagan god the "free
trade" devotees actually worship and service, which, according to
them, tilts the roulette-wheel of fate, to cause some men to become rich,
and others ruined.
empiricist, in his role as a behaviorist, assumes, as Kant did, that the
choices of "conditioned reflex" determined by large numbers of
either percussive, or percussive-like, billiard-table-like impacts,
determine statistical phenomena which they regard as substitutes for
ideas. Kant's notion of "negation of the negation," fairly
summarizes the empiricist view on this matter. Charlatans akin to Kant,
term the kind of behavior producing such fictitious constructs, as a
hedonistic quality of "human nature."
Similarly, such charlatans argue, and superstitious people often believe,
contrary to Louis Pasteur, for example, not only that human intelligence
can be replicated by non-living, computer-like machines, but that life
itself must have originated in a molecular biology of non-living material.
as I have just insisted, sense-perception is not knowledge of the real
world, then, what is? Why do I recognize Plato as the first known
elaborator of that quality of scientific method we should associate with
the work of Nicholas of Cusa, and such followers of Cusa as Leonardo da
Vinci, Johannes Kepler, and Gottfried Leibniz? Let us start with the word
"universe." What should we mean when we use that word? Since no
one has ever seen, heard, touched, or smelled an actual universe, what,
first of all, is the object which corresponds to a non-silly use of that
name, and, second, how do we know that object to exist?
literate use of the terms "universal" and "universe,"
signify the notion of "everywhere," or, in other words, "in
all cases." Therefore, the sane use of those terms could never mean a
single object of sense-perception, or a mere collection of such objects.
It means a principle of action which is efficient everywhere; the
term universal physical principle is paradigmatic. Thus, the only
sane choice of referent for the word universe, is the notion of the
existence of an open-ended, coherent collection of efficiently interacting
universal physical principles.
notion of a universe incorporates what Carl Gauss's greatest student,
Bernhard Riemann, defines as a multiply-connected manifold.
Riemann's famous habilitation dissertation of 1854, is the first explicit
statement of a general principle of physical geometry, to replace
every variety of Euclidean and other "at-the-blackboard" variety
of abstract geometry. Riemann's use of "multiply-connected
manifold" and "hypergeometry," and my own use of the term
are cases of different terms which signify the same thing. The history of
the scientific method leading axiomatically into Riemann's discovery, is
inseparable from both Johannes Kepler's uniquely original discovery of
universal gravitation, and Leibniz's related, and uniquely original
discovery of the calculus.
notions neither include, nor tolerate the idea that something exists
outside the universe so defined. In any sane society, "little green
men under the floorboards," and "invisible hands," are
strictly confined to the psychiatric wards.
next question is: How could we know a definite such, actual universe to
exist? What is the nature of that remarkable object?
Children Must Study Geometry
the seminal work of Plato, as, for example, in his Timaeus
dialogue, the most effective, most direct approach to today's discussion
of the notion of universality, requires us to introduce a crucial
most efficient approach to the question just posed, emphasizes the
contrast between so-called Euclidean geometry and what Leibniz's
follower, and Gauss's teacher, Abraham Kästner, defined as anti-Euclidean
geometry. The meaning of "anti-Euclidean" geometry, as distinct
from "non-Euclidean," becomes clear though the continued
development of Leibniz's notion of physical geometry. The notion of
an anti-Euclidean geometry, as developed after Kästner, by such notable
figures as Gauss, Lejeune Dirichlet, and Bernhard Riemann, is a result of
that still ongoing progress. I
emphasize, in contradiction to much classroom and textbook error on this
subject, that the distinction between the two terms, "anti-Euclidean
geometry" and "non-Euclidean geometry," is not a mere
difference in terminology; there is a fundamental matter of
physical-scientific method at issue.
globally extended modern European civilization named "Euclidean
geometry," came into existence as a review of the earlier development
of geometry, including, among its most crucial elements, the contributions
of Plato and his Academy.
Reference to the pre-"new math" version of widely accepted
classroom geometry, suffices as a choice of reference for the purpose of
our discussion here. Begin with the way in which modern classroom
convention, up into the 1950s, often used a Euclidean, quasi-Cartesian
notion of space and time, as a way of representing what was often claimed
to be the way to represent physical universality at the classroom
such classrooms, a Euclidean geometry of what was assumed to be the
physical universe, was premised upon induced acceptance of what were
called definitions, axioms, and postulates. These consisted
of what were usually described as "self-evident truths," and
were, in that sense, either arbitrary intuitions, or, as postulates,
inserted to resolve certain deductive inconsistencies, or ambiguities in
the system of definitions and axioms. It was usually assumed that such
postulates not merely perfected the system of definitions and axioms; but,
this often implied, for those who held to an extreme view, that the
postulates asserted nothing that should not have been understood to
inhere, as corollaries, in the set of definitions and axioms itself.
effort to explain the physical universe from the standpoint of such an
essentially fanciful geometry, was understood to be a way of explaining
the deductively attributable form of observed relations among those
shadow-objects which exist only in the form of sense-perception.
During the rise of the Roman Empire, this doctrine came to be associated
with the method attributed to the principal writings of Plato's adversary
Aristotle, whose works the pagan Romans revived.
of this latter trend, was a notable, deliberate hoax against the
previously established competence of Classical Greek science, the hoax
which was perpetrated by Claudius Ptolemy. Ptolemy concocted a system to
make astronomy appear to conform to the dogma of Aristotle. The result was
a pro-Aristotelean hoax, the so-called geocentric system of epicycles,
which came to replace the experimentally grounded solar hypothesis of
pre-Roman, Greek science. Ptolemy's hoax continued in authoritative use
even after Kepler had conclusively proven that method, including such
examples as the method of the empiricist Galileo, to be anti-scientific.
the Euclidean view of physics, space, and time, has been ironically useful
in classroom and related work, up to the present day. Ironically, this
usefulness is found chiefly in its devastating fallacies, more or less as
the study of diseases produces benefits in knowledge which reach beyond
the mere mastery of such diseases themselves. The competent student does
not believe that a Euclidean geometry is the standard for mathematical
physics; rather, he, or she, wrestles it, seeks out its weaknesses, and
thus conquers, and supersedes it.
recognize why it is urgent to insist on the term anti-Euclidean, it is
sufficient to observe the fact, that the customary classroom use of the
term non-Euclidean geometry, refers to certain new developments within the
bounds of the same method already associated with what modern classroom
tradition had recognized as Euclidean geometry. The most famous of these
non-Euclidean geometries, are those of Bolyai and Lobatchevsky. These
challenge aspects of the system of postulates of what is otherwise the
generally accepted classroom view of Euclidean geometry. Therefore, they
are rightly termed "non-Euclidean," as distinct from
"anti-Euclidean," the latter physical geometries are those which
reject the Euclidean axiomatic system, as Riemann did. "Non-Euclidean
geometries" have a certain usefulness, but fail to grasp the deeper
issues addressed only by an anti-Euclidean geometry.
Euclidean "ivory tower" model of geometry, is the typical model
to be confronted in the mathematics and physics classroom, to show two
things. First, to use the method of exposing the kinds of insoluble
paradoxes internal to any closed, formal deductive system, to show the
absurdity of blind faith in sense-perception. Second, these fallacies,
which inhere in any implicitly closed deductive system, provide the most
convenient classroom example of the way in which a "goldfish-bowl
mentality" causes entire societies to insist on doing obviously
stupid and destructive things to themselves, as I expose that problem in
clarify this important point in this report, it were prudent that I stay
with the choice of examples I have used in other published locations, the
cases of the way in which the fundamental discoveries of Kepler and Fermat
set a comprehensive form of modern mathematical physical science into
motion. I explain why I chose
those illustrative cases.
using the term "comprehensive" in that way, we mean
"universal," or, as I have said, a "universe." In much
of the development of modern physical science, the method by which
progress toward the goal of universal conceptions has been achieved, is by
challenging pre-existing assumptions, such as those of Euclidean geometry,
which had been held up as universal. Challenging the generally accepted
classroom definition and use of the Euclidean system, is the most
convenient way of attacking the general problem of so-called universal
systems, such as systems of popular axiomatic beliefs.
that purpose, the development of modern experimental physical science, has
relied upon Cusa's definition of the Platonic method as a Socratic docta
ignorantia. The best way to describe the most successful applications
of that method, is to show some important examples of such successes, by
describing those cases in terms of what Leibniz identified as "Analysis
Situs." The best such examples to be used to introduce this
application of Analysis Situs, are those successes based on
directly refuting the attempt to explain the universe in terms of
devastating paradoxes incurred by the use of Euclidean geometry as a model
for mathematical physics. This produces the relevant, added benefit, of
illustrating the systemically pathological error of regarding physics as a
branch of formal mathematics.
significance of our use here of two examples from the work of Kepler and
Fermat, is that these two sets of discoveries are outstanding successes,
in constructing paradoxes which overturn the Euclidean notion of
universality; paradoxes of that type have had a vast and deeply embedded
impact in leading to much of the most important achievement of modern
overthrow of the use of the ivory-tower fantasies of Euclidean geometry in
the practice of physical science, led him to the original discovery of the
principle of universal gravitation, and, by this discovery, establish, for
the first time, the construction of a comprehensive mathematical physics
based upon the notion of an efficient universal physical principle.
showed that it was incompetent, to attempt to derive the orbit of planets
of the Solar System by means of extrapolation premised upon the kinds of
calculations inhering in a Euclidean model of geometry. He showed, that to
predict both the position and velocity of a planet at some randomly chosen
future time, we must introduce the intention represented by a
principle entirely outside the Euclidean form of statistical
"connect-the-dots" extrapolations, such as the method of
extrapolations proposed by Galileo.
showed, from study of the experimental evidence, that the pathway of
refracted light was not determined by a principle of shortest distance,
but, rather, of the quickest time. Fermat's theorem was then developed by
Christiaan Huyghens, Leibniz, and Jean Bernouilli. The leads supplied by
these combined discoveries of Kepler and Fermat, pointed their followers
into the development of the notion of a relativistic mathematical physics
as provided by Riemann. The case of Fermat's referenced discovery of
quickest time, provides the simplest and best illustration of the
principle of Analysis Situs.
a geometry, such as a Euclidean geometry. Use the geometry as the basis
for a mathematics to be used in the practice of physical science. Now,
state the results of Fermat's experimental observations of both reflection
and refraction of light in that geometry. Introduce to that geometry the
assumed dimension of time, with the implicit assumption that light moves
fastest across the shortest distance between two points. The result of the
attempt to provide a Euclidean sort of mathematical juxtaposition of
events adduced from an observation of motion along a quickest path, rather
than shortest distance, is a paradox within a physics based upon the
definitions, axioms, and postulates of a Euclidean geometry.
"quickest pathway" paradox, is comparable to the paradoxical
results upon which Kepler was led to his discovery of universal
gravitation. This latter paradox Kepler proved by his more meticulous
study of the astronomical observations made variously by both Tycho Brahe
and himself, that a mathematical physics designed to be consistent with a
Euclidean geometry, or the method of Aristotle, was incurably wrong.
it went, until Riemann's revolutionary 1854 habilitation dissertation,
when Riemann brought the process to a certain conclusion. Since Riemann,
no definition, axiom, or postulate has any place in a geometry of physics,
except as it is proven, experimentally, to be a universal physical
principle. That discovery by
Riemann, is also crucial, as I shall show, for understanding the cure for
the kind of pathological behavior commonly expressed in everyday decisions
on policy in the U.S. today.
said, now focus attention back on the question from which we started this
section of the report: If sense-perception does not show us the actual
universe outside our skins, how could we possibly know what lies "out
have just answered that question, at least in first approximation. By
applying Cusa's Platonic method of docta ignorantia to challenge
the arbitrary assumptions associated with either sense-perception or sheer
fantasy, as Kepler, Fermat, and their followers did, we may discover
experimentally validated universal physical principles whose existence and
characteristics are known in practice. Those proven principles were named
by Plato ideas.
know such ideas of universal principle, because we are able to demonstrate
that we are able to increase mankind's practical power in and over the
universe by means of applying such discoveries. Moreover, we are able to
do this, as we can not accomplish such resulting increases in potential
relative population-density in any other way.
are five principles by means of which we can know the actual existence of
a universe as being contrary to the naive images we associate with
assumed set of principles can be tested experimentally in ways which
show that set to be essentially false in some part. Fermat's discovery
of a principle of a pathway of quickest time is an example of such a
an experimentally based, or functionally equivalent paradox,
challenges the cognitive powers of the individual mind to invent a
hypothetical universal principle, which, if proven, will either
overturn the challenged principle, or will serve as an added principle
not to be excluded from consideration in such cases.
experimental, or functionally equivalent proof for the universal case,
transforms the successful hypothesis into a universal physical
principle. This is the case for what today's classroom customarily
considers physical science; it is also the case for matters pertaining
to relations among individual human minds, as typified by
experimentally validated universal principles of Classical artistic
no case, can any proven universal principle be identified as an object
physical principles are ideas which govern the actual relations among
the objects of sense-perception. Sense-perception pertains to the
shadows, whereas the principles corresponding to valid hypotheses, are
the unseen, experimentally demonstrated, efficient causes of the
existence of the behavior among the shadows.
gives us immediately, two very important results. First, it shows us that
sense-perception does not betray us, on the condition that we do not
misinterpret the benefit it presents to us. However, we must never forget
that the objects of sense-perception are merely the shadows of the reality
we are experiencing. Second, that it is by using the principle of paradox,
as illustrated by the method of Analysis Situs, we are able to
craft a purely mental image of the causes which the patterns of behavior
among those shadows merely reflect. We are then, thus enabled to act in
ways which change the way in which those shadows behave. It is our success
in bringing about willful changes in the behavior of those shadows, which
is rightly known as Socratic truthfulness, or, in other words, science.
is but one, relatively obvious example, of the willful changes in
perceived behavior caused by efficient application of unseeable causes.
today's citizen who is "walked through," step by step, even the
first crucial phase of Kepler's discovery of the principle of universal
gravitation, must find his, or her mind gripped by the sense that he, or
she is experiencing the universe in a new way. In his 1605 New
Astronomy, where the original discovery of the principle of
universal gravitation was first reported in print, the citizen is shown
that the orbit of a planet, such as Mars or Earth, can not be determined
by projecting a future position of the planet as a statistical projection.
It could not be predicted by the methods used by Copernicus, or Brahe, for
example. Kepler asked himself, what is the intention which governs
the regular orbit of the planet.
only the simplest aspects of Kepler's discovery on that point. Beginning
from study of the observation of the orbit of Mars, Kepler determined that
the orbit described an ellipse, not a circle, and that the Sun was located
at one of the two focal points of that ellipse. Then, by measuring the
rate of change of the angle the planet moved in its orbit, Kepler
determined that the planet swept out equal areas of its elliptical orbit
in equal time.
at that point, and consider what this series of observations says about
the way people think about what they consider objects moving within their
perception of the world around themselves. Consider the angular motion of
the planet along its orbit. In this case, that means observing Mars, from
a fixed point on a rotating Earth, an Earth which is orbitting the Sun, as
this point, the citizen should draw a map of the region of the Solar
System including the Sun, Earth, and Mars. The citizen should think about
both the orbitting and rotating motion of Earth and Mars, relative to the
Sun. Forget the simplistic, textbook explanations. Then, crucial details
of Kepler's method of work are forced to our attention.
that the evidence proving Kepler's system, in opposition to the methods of
Ptolemy, Copernicus, and Brahe, is evidence based upon the
sense-perceptions of the successive positions of those Solar bodies. These
are the shadows on the irregular surface of the wall of a dimly lit cave.
Kepler's principle defines the observed change of position of the planet;
the methods he rejects do not. Therefore, the method he uses is proven
experimentally, while the method used by Ptolemy, Copernicus, Brahe, and
Galileo is proven incompetent.
other words, the difference between the Platonic method of Kepler and the
Aristotelean method of Ptolemy, Copernicus, and Brahe, is that Kepler's
method exposes the way in which changes in the sense-perceptual positions
of the planets occur, whereas the Aristotelean and empiricist methods do
not. The difference is, that the failed methods each and all rely upon the
assumption that what is real is what is perceived; whereas, the scientific
method, as typified by the discoveries of Kepler, defines the certainty of
the unseen principles which cause the observable changes in the shadows
called sense-perception. The practice of microphysics illustrates the
point quite nicely.
might we know something which we can not observe directly with the senses?
How can we know a principle in an efficient way?
define a paradox in the form of Analysis Situs, by applying what is
assumed to be a universal mathematical physics (for example) to evidence
which is valid in terms of that supposed universal system. In the case,
that the deductive application of that system shows that a pair of pieces
of evidence, each equally valid by the standards of experiment used for
that system, produce statements which are mutually contradictory in the
terms of that system. Fermat's case is typical.
the system applied assumes itself, implicitly, to be universally efficient
in what is assumed to be the real universe, such a paradox is called an
ontological paradox, a paradox in the conception of the nature of the
elementary existence of universal substance. The solution to such a
paradox must be either, the deletion of some false principle or principles
of the system, the addition of one or more validated principles, or a
combination of both corrections. Focus on the case in which a single
correction of principle is required. How is that solution to the paradox
to be discovered?
have described that process in numerous earlier published locations.
Briefly, the discovery is generated within the sovereign cognitive
processes of the mind of the individual discoverer. These processes are
opaque to observers; they are processes which can not be observed as
subjects of sense-perception.
the experience of such a discovery of principle in the mind of one person,
can be re-enacted within the mind of another. By sharing the paradox which
the proposed principle (called an hypothesis) solves, and the
experimental demonstration of that principle, two minds can come into
agreement on the essential features of the act of discovery replicated in
I have emphasized in earlier locations, just so do the sovereign cognitive
processes in the mind of a student today re-experience the same act of
discovery which prompted Archimedes to shout "Eureka!" more than
2,200 years ago: all competent methods of education, are based upon that
method of inducing re-enactments of validated original acts of discovery
of universal principles. These are what are known as Classical humanist
methods of education.
of Kepler's writings, shows us today that that Classical humanist method
of education, the method of docta ignorantia, was the basis for the
practice of Kepler, as for Leibniz, and so on.
those methods of education had been used in U.S. public schools and higher
education, during recent decades, and if those methods had supplied the
standards for defining competence for responsible positions of influence
in public and private occupations generally, the U.S.A. could never have
drifted into the terrible mess it is in today.
competently educated people know, that the definitions, axioms, and
postulates of a Euclidean geometry are false principles, disastrously so
when they are applied to physical science. However, the special importance
of those false principles, lies in the fact, that the Euclidean standpoint
presumes itself to be a representation of our universe; therefore, every
principle which is proven by refuting the falseness of a Euclidean
assumption, represents a step forward by human reason, toward increased
potential for human mastery of our universe, with the aim of indefinitely
increasing potential relative population-density of the human species. It
is a step of progress away from those pathological systems of belief which
tend to ruin, or even destroy, nations and cultures. It is freeing one's
mind from life in a self-imposed goldfish bowl.
the preceding section, we have considered the nature of those pathologies
of belief and behavior associated with ideas about mathematical physics.
We included emphasis upon the dangers risked in the use of Euclidean
geometry as a model of universality, for controlling man's intended
actions upon the world around us. We identified a contrasted, healthy form
of universal physical system of axiomatic assumptions (principles), as a
multiply-connected manifold of a Riemannian type.
this present section, we focus on the pathologies of a second quality of
such a multiply-connected manifold. Our attention is now focussed upon the
axiom-like assumptions about society, which underlie the way in which
specific individuals and groups form those decisions which they attempt to
impose on both society and the surrounding parts of the universe.
the addition of this present section, we shall be able to explore directly
those pathologies we associated with the image of the fish in a pond who
imagines he is swimming in a goldfish bowl.
must take individual belief into account; but, our emphasis here is upon
economic, political, and other social behavior, of both nations and large
groups within and among nations. Our emphasis is upon nations and groups
whose net behavior (its so-called "cultural paradigm") tends to
conform to the axiomatic implications of some specific set of such
assumptions. These are assumptions which define the behavior of one group
as either specifically distinct from that of other groups, or
illustrate what I mean by such distinctions among specific types of social
are the qualitative differences in behavioral impulses between two large
groups in the U.S.A. One is the tradition of a science-driven
agro-industrial society organized in a way which at least approximates
U.S. Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton's description of the
anti-British, American System of political-economy. The chief opponents of
that American System within the U.S.A., opponents whom President Franklin
Roosevelt identified as "the American Tories," are those who,
like both the Ku Klux Klanners and the notorious "Nashville
Agrarians," share the
pro-British tradition of the Confederacy.
legacy of two conflicting paradigms, is the underlying cultural issue of
the conflict reflected in an attempted political coup against even the
last remnants of the American System, by what is regarded as the
"radical right" political base of President George W. Bush,
Senator Trent Lott, and Attorney General John Ashcroft. This is the now
widely recognized conflict which exploded into the public political arena,
with Senator Jim Jeffords' announcement of his break with the Republican
Party of Mississippi's Senator Trent Lott.
about that example of two essentially distinct differences in culture, as
typified by the U.S. Civil War and its legacies. Use your knowledge of
both of those clinical, social types, then and now, to identify axiomatic
qualities of belief which you are able to recognize as underlying the most
typical differences in behavior between these two types.
Use that case as a model of reference, for my treatment of the subject of
cultures, or sub-cultures, which we must regard as mutually exclusive
types, when we apply the same standard of species-distinction among
axiomatically different geometries.
said, I begin with a crucial topic, one with which some of you may be
familiar from my earlier published works, but others will be meeting this
principle of scientific method for the first time.
Society and the Universe
I shall illustrate that point within the following pages, the most
important concept in all science, is the principle underlying the
notion of the perfect sovereignty of the cognitive processes of the
individual human mind. As I have already emphasized, in the preceding
section, those are: cognitive processes by which an individual mind
discovers a principle which solves an ontological paradox, a noëtic
process which can not be observed in action by the senses of any other
person. That is what I identified, in the preceding section, as the
principle of Classical humanist education. One individual's act of
discovery can be known by another person, but only if the second
person undergoes his, or her own, sovereign individual act, of re-enacting
the discovery and its experimental validation.
principle of sovereignty has still deeper underlying implications,
implications which, if understood, define the method for solving the kinds
of mass pathology which have been pushing the U.S. to the present brink of
ruin, over the course of the recent thirty-odd years. To situate those
deeper implications, we must return attention, for a moment, to the
subject of physical economy.
we accept a rational meaning for the word "economy," that word
implies the development of methods by means of which we increase the
potential relative population-density of a society, or of humanity as a
whole. By "rational meaning for the word `economy,' " we
signify a notion of a lawful function, as determined by some
multiply-connected set of universal principles. Then, we are speaking of a
form of organized physical action, by means of which the individual acts
to express mankind's increased power to exist, in and over the
universe, as measured per capita and per-square kilometer of relevant
surface-area. These functionally defined forms of organized physical
action, are bundles of interacting universal physical principles,
combinations of principles also expressed as the technologies which those
discovered principles subsume. All increments in the power of the human
species to exist, depend upon the socially determined result of the
discovery and application of such principles and their subsumed
that degree, those actions express the sovereign cognitive development of
the individual person. However, the paradox is: society is not a
collection of individuals; the individual is a product of a process which
is called society. From the standpoint of what is customarily called
physical science and technology, it is the transmission, to the present,
of the discoveries which were made as far distant as millennia or even
longer in the past, which produces the developed individual intellect in
the student and others today. The ability of society as such to use
a discovered principle effectively, depends upon the re-enactment of that
discovery in the minds of others, even very many others. That is the
social process within which the existence of the individual is defined.
the decisive role of a universal Classical humanist mode of education, in
fostering the physical-economic productivity of the labor-force as a
whole. The content of the transmission of those ideas rightly defined as
universal physical principles, depends upon the faculty of cognition in
both the person who prompts the discovery of a principle in the mind of
the other, and the function of those sovereign cognitive processes on
which the other depends for his, or her ability to re-enact that
discovery. Without that medium of transmission of discoveries of universal
physical principle, the medium of cognitive creation, neither the
discovery, nor its actual transmission were possible.
in that way, the perfect sovereignty of the individual personality
persists, but efficient communication of cognitive thought occurs as a
functionally efficient coupling without breaching that sovereignty. The
larger process expressed by such modes of cognitive communication, is the
foundation of the social process upon which civilized forms of cultures
and societies depend.
is a uniquely human quality of function. Excepting the human species, no
living species has the power of cognition expressed by the original
discovery of an experimentally proven-to-be universal physical principle.
No other species has the power to discover and transmit a universal
physical principle; no other species has the ability to increase its
species' potential relative population-density by an act of individual
free will. Man is, as Genesis 1 insists, a very special
is nothing magical about the power of the individual mind to generate
valid discoveries of universal physical principles. For example, the
collection of the dialogues of Plato, if acted as Classical actors would
act a play, is a complete course of the comprehensive, preliminary
training of the adolescent and adult mind, both to think cognitively, and
to transmit such valid discoveries of principle to others.
This is the most natural method imaginable; it is the natural expression
of human nature, both perfectly sovereign individual human nature,
and the nature of humanity as an historical, social process. This
principle of cognition, in and of itself, sets man, as a species, apart
from, and above all other species. This cognitive link, not only among
contemporary persons, but of the present to both the future and the past,
defines the only meaningful use of the term "history," the only
competent method for study of history, and the only competent basis for
defining those universal principles of historical method which should
govern all aspects of statecraft.
the study of the human social process in this way, we are confronted with
certain principles, which are universal principles in the same
sense as those we associate with a universalized mathematical physics.
This second set of principles, is the topic emphasized in the present
section of this report. However, this emphasis is made without generating
any functional separation between such principles of historically situated
cognitive processes, and the multiply-connected manifold of universal
principles we associate with the physical universe in which we exist, and
upon which we act.
is from this standpoint, that we must judge societies and cultures, as
such, as either sane, or not.
I shall now show you, it is important to recognize the three crucial
features of the moral superiority of Plato's dialogues over the Classical
tragedies. Once the reader has recognized those dialogues as a form of
Classical drama, my argument on this point becomes clear.
first two of the three words which identify this absolute quality of moral
superiority of those dialogues, are, in English, the sublime, and,
in the New Testament Greek, as also in Plato's dialogue, agape. The sublime and
agape are congruent conceptions, but have
slightly different forms of application; they are distinctly different
facets of one and the same gem. Plato uses the term agape to
signify a quality of justice, which he contrasts, through the mouth of
Socrates, to the opposing principles of the characters Thrasymachus and
Glaucon. This Socratic
principle of justice, called agape, is inseparable from the
principle identified by a third word, truthfulness, the notion of
the existence of cognitively discoverable truth. Such a notion of agapic
truthfulness, defines an absolutely higher authority than any government,
than any court, than any tradition, than absolutely anyone's mere opinion.
It is the basis for what is rightly called natural law.
is important, for understanding how to overcome the pathologies of U.S.
popular behavior today, to see the equivalence of this notion of agape
to the notion of the sublime, and the coherence of both with the principle
of the obligation of us all, to be governed by a cognitively knowable
standard of truthfulness. This use of "cognitively knowable
truthfulness," ought to be recognized as nothing other than the only
proper definition of "reason."
simplest way to explain this most crucial point of statecraft, is to
identify the nature of Plato's view of the moral failures of the Classical
tragedians who preceded him.
great Classical tragedies, including those of Shakespeare and Friedrich
Schiller, are focussed upon the same problem which I identified by
reference to the goldfish-bowl syndrome in the U.S.A. today. In the
typical Classical tragedy of the tradition of Sophocles and Aeschylus,
there is a potentially fatal, self-inflicted flaw in the culture, the flaw
which is the subject of the drama. This flaw is represented by a leading
figure, or figures, figures in the position of authority to make the
changes in policy by which the tragedy is averted, but who, because the
figure, or group of those figures, shares the fatal cultural flaw of the
nation, he, or she fails to take the possible action by means of which the
national disaster could have been averted.
not be deceived by foolish commentators on such plays, by moralizing
critics and others who, through ignorance or malice, trivialize great
artistic works, by demanding that you focus upon some alleged symbolic
meaning, or the alleged "character flaw" of the leading
character of a drama.
Classical tragedy deserving of the name of art, is historically
specific. The drama is situated truthfully either within a real-life
time and place in history, or in relative historical specificity of some
legend, such as the Homeric epics. The flaw which defines the tragedy, is
historically specific, and can not be attributed to times and places other
than that. The characteristics of the leading characters of a Classical
tragedy are specific to that setting; therefore, they can not be freely
transported to different historical settings.
foolish commentators attempt to project an essentially symbolic
significance to the characteristics they claim to recognize in the
relevant characters of the play. In respect to Classical drama, they would
mislead you into overlooking the fact, that the essential flaw is that of
the culture, in which that character is in a leading position to avert the
plunge into national disaster, but fails to do so. He fails because he, or
she capitulates to the influence of the historical specificity of the
tragic culture in which he is situated. Just so, has the putative
leadership of the U.S.A. failed, during the specific interval of the
recent thirty-five-odd years.
in Schiller's Don Carlos, all of the characters but the
French-born queen are terribly flawed, and represent the same moral
decadence of that Sixteenth-Century, post-Isabella I Spain of
the Inquisition, which Miguel Cervantes addresses by his use of the
fictional figures of Don Quixote (the Spanish Hapsburg monarchy of the
Carlist tradition) and Sancho Panza (a people corrupted into virtual
stupidity by their hedonistic impulses). In Don Carlos, the
queen serves as a figure, situated such that she, although queen, lacks
the official authority to compel a change in the other principal
characters, but who sees the tragedy. The assessment of Spain in that play
conforms to the actual period of history to which the drama refers, just
as Cervantes' Don Quixote addresses the same tragic quality
of that nation during that same specific period of its history addressed
same is true in Shakespeare's Hamlet. It is not some
eccentric personal character flaw of Hamlet which is tragic; Hamlet's
"flaw" is that he is typical of the whole pack of ruling
institutions and circles of that kingdom. The character flaw is that of
the kingdom, as the contrasted declarations of the characters Fortinbras
and Horatio point toward the persistence of a folly, which continues to
live in that condition of the Danish nation after the death of Hamlet
removes him from the situation. The same folly which had taken over the
nation prior to the opening scene of the play, continues to prevail after
Hamlet's role has ended. That nation's problem is not Hamlet; Hamlet's
problem is that he reflects the character of that nation, in that implied
historically specific time and place.
the apparent exception proves the rule. Under pressure from the censor,
Giuseppe Verdi transports the actual historical setting of one of his
plays, Un Ballo in Maschera, from the drama's historically
actual location, Sweden, to Massachusetts. The censor's intervention thus
weakens the resulting alteration of the opera. Despite that drawback, the
authority of the opera as a Classical tragedy, lies in its historical
specificity governing the composer's intention in crafting that
composition, and is preserved in that fashion.
to a point, learning from such Classical tragedy, and other valid
expressions of Classical artistic composition, continues to be an integral
part of the qualifications for the practice of statecraft, or writing of
accounts of history. The tragedies of Sophocles and Aeschylus, for
example, are indispensable requirements for the practice of law and other
crucial elements of statecraft today; but, as it is said, "they left
room for improvement." Plato, and Friedrich Schiller later, focussed
attention upon the needed improvement.
such tragedy by Sophocles, Aeschylus, et al., with Schiller's notion of
the sublime, as expressed in both real history and drama, alike, in
that case of Joan of Arc which I have treated in an earlier
is no tragic figure; exactly the contrary. In real life, and in Schiller's
drama, she is a girl inspired to save the nation and people of France from
Plantagenet (Anjou) predators,
by persuading her foolish king to become a real king. For that, in real
life, as in the play, she is butchered by the corrupt Inquisition; but,
she changes history, both by her effect on the processes leading into the
mid-Fifteenth-Century Council of Florence, and making possible the
establishment of the first sovereign nation-state, Louis XI's France,
based on the principle of the general welfare. She gave her life to
achieve a noble purpose for mankind; she was no tragic figure. She spent
her life in a way which achieved a great fulfillment of her having lived.
That is sublime.
should not wish to be burned alive by the Inquisition, as she was, nor
devoured by lions in Nero's arena, nor crucified for Christ's sake. Yet,
that aside, it were the true purpose of any mortal human life, that it be
lived as sublime, as Joan's was. We are going to die anyway;
therefore, wisdom lies in choosing the way one spends the talent given to
you, your mortal life. Choose the mission which is your part to play, for
the benefit your living might contribute to your nation, and for
historical humanity as a whole. Be as you were an angel. That is
the sublime definition of the good individual person, and of the good
nation. That is the quality of agape.
the drama which supersedes the tragic principle by the sublime, the
gripping tension of the well-performed Classical tragedy, is continued,
and, as in the case of Joan, the crucial figure may suffer a brutal end.
The difference is, that, as in Joan's case, in her actually heroic life,
and in that same heroine's life and actions on stage, are not a waste.
as Schiller demonstrates this case, what may be called the mechanism of
the composition of all great Classical tragedy, is retained. The situation
presented has many of the same features; there is the threat of a tragic
outcome. However, this time, the central figure does not fail to offset
the tragic outcome, but is willing and able to accomplish this at whatever
price the hero must pay to bring about this sublime result.
the contrast between the Classical tragedies of Greece and Plato's
dialogues, in that light.
that same principle, of the distinction between the merely tragic and the
sublime, in another way. This time, I strike closer to home. Consider the
following question: Why is what is called morality, especially
thunderously Bible-belting morality, often the enemy of the good?
it is moral, not to kill, nor steal, nor lie, for example, does seemingly
perfect observation of those rules, that repertoire of "single
issues," make one good? Take the case of a publicly avowed admirer of
the racist legacy of the Confederacy, such as Attorney General John
Ashcroft; accept, provisionally, the claim of his supporters, that he does
not intend to violate the Ten Commandments, even when he kills.
Overlook, if only for a moment, his repeated lying sophistries. Is he to
be assessed as "a good man," simply because his duped admirers
consider him as wielding "a banner of Christian morality"?
Absolutely not! Anyone who does not serve the principle, that all men and
women are made equally in the image of the Creator, is no Christian! When
you defame the image of man, as all racists do, you defame the image of
God. "Hypocrite" were too gentle an epithet, in Ashcroft's case.
is necessary to guide children, so that they do not step off cliffs, or
into the front of oncoming automobiles, and so on. It is necessary to
advise young persons similarly, for their own good, during that perilous
journey near the outskirts of insanity, called adolescence. If it is also
necessary to housebreak and train pet cats and dogs, that should not be
used as a pretext for degrading morality to the form of do's and don't's
for household pets, or for persons whom you attempt to degrade to the
status of trained human cattle. Put to one side, for a moment, the fact
that Ashcroft is not exactly housebroken, even by four-footed standards
for morality; were he less a hypocrite, that would still not qualify him
as "a good person."
problem is, that he is not a person of good intentions. Obeying a set
of rules, or merely seeming to adhere to such rules, does not define a
good person. All the single-issue prescriptions which might be imagined,
provide no test of goodness. As it was said of Adolf Hitler, Satan
never lowers himself to commit little sins; he saves his energy for the
really big ones. He leaves the practice of lesser sins to little
for example, the bi-polar, strictly church-going Bible-belter, who belts
his wife and children religiously, at whim, on Saturday night, and then
weeps over the bruises and broken bones he has successfully inflicted,
even while he pontificates, "I'm sorry, but you made me do it."
On Sunday, we find his sanctimonious self sitting upright, posing as a
paragon of smug rectitude, in church.
to the enormous number of such and comparable cases, the fact remains,
that man is naturally good. That spark of goodness is already in the
newborn child, but it awaits development through infancy, childhood, and
adolescence, into what should become true adulthood, approximately a
quarter-century later. How could man fail, as he usually does, somewhere
along the road between birth and biological maturity? Or, to restate that
question, why does the individual fail, so awfully often, to reach the
moral maturity which was his or her potential at birth?
all of us have come to understand, somewhere along the way between infancy
and adulthood, that, as each of us is born, each of us will die, and that
rather sooner than later. This fact should prompt any reasonably sane and
intelligent individual to ask himself, "What, then, will have been
the meaning of my having lived?"
a famous fable, a monk asks a youthful woman to look into a mirror, and
think of her aging and mortality. She accepts the monk's observation, and
makes her decision accordingly, seeking pleasures while she might. The
existentialist sees himself as Hannah Arendt's friend, the Nazi
philosopher Martin Heidegger, did, as the individual "thrown into
life in society," into a realm in which that individual not merely
denies, but defies the existence of truth. The notion that life in society
has some social purpose, some mission, is denied. Or, like the woman of
the fable, she seeks a substitute for immortality in sensual diversions
which die like Autumn leaves.
like his beloved Friedrich Nietzsche, and like his follower Jean-Paul
Sartre, typify immorality in the extreme. Yet, it is the ugly reality of
today's U.S. life, for example, that the individual who is asked to
identify his or her self-interest, has tended, more and more over the
recent decades, to locate self-interest in terms of "immediate
self-interest" within a world ruled by pleasure and pain. In other
words, such unfortunate people seek reality within the shadow-world of
sense-perception, and they themselves thus come and go as shadows do. They
seek in shadows, an identity which has no substance, and, so, if they
succeed in that attempt, when they have passed, they leave nothing of real
moral substance behind.
the best, most of our citizens of earlier generations, defined their
interest in the future prospects for their children and grandchildren, and
defined their reciprocal relations to their own parents' and those of
their parents' generation, accordingly. Willingness to put one's life at
risk, whether in war, for the sake of the future, or simply to act for the
good when that challenge is set before you, typify those symptoms of
goodness many of my generation had come to expect of one another. Yet,
that is not enough to make a society, or a religious body a moral one.
to answer my question from the standpoint of what I have described as the
implications of the Classical humanist method in education. If we are
decently educated and experienced, who are we, really? If our relation to
the past is defined in terms of our re-enacting the original discoveries
of principle, by persons from earlier generations, even millennia earlier,
we know that we embody that re-enacted experience from their lives within
ourselves. If the re-experiencing of such creative moments in science and
Classical artistic composition, is the core of our educational
development, then our intimate relationship with the sovereign cognitive
processes of persons long deceased, defines our moral sense of conscience.
a child thinks of a departed grandparent looking down upon, smiling, from
somewhere beyond. That is a simple expression of the essence of goodness.
It is a sense of the sublime, a sense that the quality of the sublime is
the essence of true beauty in art, and in life.
on the basis of the points which I have just developed here, there are two
leading clues to the stubbornness with which the goldfish-bowl syndrome
persists in, for example, the U.S. population today. First, the
individual's lack of the benefits of a Classical humanist policy in
education. Secondly, the specific effects of social pressures associated
with the dominant role of an anti-cognitive world-outlook in the
institutions which have the relatively greatest impact on the daily social
experiences of the individual. We shall examine these factors and their
implications for the U.S. population of my lifetime.
Jesus Christ establishes what theologians call a New Dispensation for all
mankind, obedience to easily understood rules, might prevent bad incidents
from occurring, but adherence to such rules will never qualify a person as
good. Goodness lies in a higher place, within the realm of the sovereign
quality of the human individual's cognitive potential. Goodness is not a
quality of isolated actions, or mere patterns of such actions. As I Corinthians
13 defines goodness, it is expressed as the quality of agape. It is
expressed, so, as an efficient form of intention, as Kepler employs
the notion of intention in his New Astronomy.
efficient good intention, is a commitment to actions which are both agapic
in impulse, and which are aimed toward the sublime. How do we make that
notion concrete for the practice of and among nations?
it is immoral to suggest that positive law, or equivalent prescriptions,
might be apotheosized as a standard of goodness, how must a nation define
the standard by which its actions, and its character, may be good, or not?
On what authority, do we have the right to say that the Presidencies of
Polk, Pierce, Buchanan, Cleveland, Theodore Roosevelt, Wilson, Coolidge,
Nixon, Carter, and the "Emperor" Bush I, were morally bad,
as they were in fact, and those of such as Monroe, Quincy Adams, Lincoln,
and Roosevelt were more or less good? How shall we express the notion of
goodness as an efficient form of intention, as the basis for defining the
kinds of pathologies expressed by the goldfish-bowl syndrome?
a few examples will help to clarify that question.
is good, to intend that one's living shall be a blessing to one's
grandchildren, to the community, to the nation, and to the betterment of
the world in which we live. However, putting to one side momentous acts of
heroism, the highest choice of profession is that of a
philosopher-scientist such as Plato, to be one of the Apostles of Christ,
a prolific master of Classical artistic composition, such as Johann
Sebastian Bach, or a prolific universal scientific mind, such as Kepler,
Leibniz, Gauss, and Riemann.
to such great artists and scientists, are those great teachers and
physicians, either famous or relatively obscure, who, day by day, brought
young minds to re-enact the discovery of many of the most precious
principles of scientific and artistic composition, or, as physicians,
maintained the continuity of the development and practice of care for the
health of the people. Whether famous, or little known, each of these
figures is a world-historical personality in fact.
of these are implicitly world-historical personalities, because of, first
of all, the subject-matter of their professional intention is universal.
Since it is a profession rooted in the transmission of knowledge of
principles, deep into the past, and far into the future, it is historical
as well as universal.
virtue of their profession, all such persons reach toward the sublime.
Such world-historical personalities have thus achieved a somewhat greater
or lesser degree of efficient personal, cognitive sovereignty.
such examples, we should recognize the manner in which the quality of
goodness is typically expressed within society.
true self-interest of each persons, is his or her personal identity, as
that is located primarily in the cognitive process of history as a whole.
Consider that true self-interest against the contrasting relative moral
decay I have witnessed among members of my own, World War II generation.
Franklin Roosevelt had lifted a nation up out of the decadent pessimism of
the Coolidge legacy. His death suddenly took away the guidon planted upon
the hill, around which so many had rallied to the mighty effort of the
Roosevelt Presidency's years. The shock which struck most returning
veterans, can be compared to the demoralizing effects, in the history of
modern Germany, of the successive experiences of the 1789-1794 Jacobin
Terror, Bonaparte's emergence as the model for all fascist governments
after his imperial rule, the Congress of Vienna, and the Metternichean
my own experience, the most typical expression of moral decadence erupting
among returning young veterans, showed itself in the way in which U.S.
mass higher education proceeded during the post-war decades. Most among
these fellows were in such a hurry to get their sheepskin, that they
rarely stopped to actually think. Granted, the universities were bad and
becoming worse on this account, but, generally, the majority among the
students were no better, or were even much more corrupted.
example, consider the case of the place of Kepler in the curriculum of our
leading universities during the 1946-2001 interval. The evidence of
Kepler's discovery of universal gravitation, among many other things, is,
objectively, one of the best-documented facts in the record of scientific
discovery, especially when re-examined from the standpoint of the related
work of Carl Gauss.
who had not swallowed a textbook, but had actually investigated the mass
of factual evidence showing how the discovery of a principle of universal
gravitation actually occurred, or, similarly, investigated the ample
evidence detailing how Leibniz originated the existence of the calculus in
response to Kepler's discovery, would not defend the Isaac Newton myth
against the reality of the work of a Kepler or Leibniz.
the majority of those students, while as students and later, they, instead
of knowing what they were talking about, became parroters of that Newton
myth, which they had swallowed whole, as a condition for passing the
course. They parrotted the formulas in a way which, in fact, increased my
appreciation of mynah birds, while smiling smugly to one another in mutual
admiration of their common folly. They would be very proud of themselves
for having done such things as that. I know; I was part of that
students may have acquired certain useful kinds of professional
competencies, but, they, of course, knew virtually nothing of that portion
of their education which they had merely learned. What they had merely
learned, occupied more and more of their claims to knowledge, as the decay
of our educational institutions has continued over the decades to date,
all the way down. Chiefly, in their education, they had failed to re-enact
the relevant original act of discovery. They had not experienced the
essential elements of the cognitive history of science.
after slightly more than a decade of the post-war years had passed, came
"programmed learning," "the new math," and, in the
course of time, "looking it up on the Internet." Amidst this,
the teacher's function was subverted by the Orwellian social worker who
controls more and more of the schools' functions, and the students' minds,
today. How could there be
meaningful education, when the schools and their pupils are regimented by
such controllers, all done according to the pro-satanic dogma of Theodor
Adorno and Hannah Arendt, the dogma, that there is no truth, but only
was a nasty complement within the sort of behavior I observed among
members of my own generation. This involved my encounters among the ranks
of engineering students. These offenders, more or less a majority,
despised "liberal arts." Granted, much of the university liberal
arts instruction was bad in its own way; sometimes, it was even worse than
the effect of the drill-and-grill methods used by the all-too-typical
engineering faculty. The typical engineering student's expressed opinions
concerning political-economy, for example, were about as intellectual as a
Ku Klux Klan rally. Speak of a bowl of pottage? Many of such ambitious
engineering graduates would have sold their soul for a piece of sheepskin.
estimate how scientific such engineering students were, take the case of a
typical reaction to the teaching of economics. Most university graduates
were taught to believe, as Karl Marx was, that modern economy first
appeared under the British monarchy, and that Bernard Mandeville and the
British East India Company's Haileybury School of Adam Smith, Jeremy
Bentham, Thomas Malthus, David Ricardo, et al., were the founders of
fact, any responsible study of available sources, would have shown any
honest student, that modern economy was born in Fifteenth-Century Italy,
whence it was established in Louis XI's France, and then copied in England
under Henry VII. It was
developed as the mercantile school of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth
centuries; but the beginning of a scientific notion of political economy,
was discovered and developed by Leibniz, during the interval 1671-1716.
The industrial revolution was brought to England itself by the visiting
Benjamin Franklin, who sent Watt to France to develop a new model of the
steam-engine under the advice of Lavoisier. In the young United States,
the productivity and income of the average farmer and worker was
approximately twice that in the British Isles under George III.
more embarrassing for those among the engineering students duped into
admiring the British empiricists, is the fact, that the most successful
design of modern economy ever developed, was what U.S. Treasury Secretary
Alexander Hamilton defined as "The American System of
political-economy," an elaboration of economic principles best
represented otherwise by the two leading economists of the world during
the Nineteenth Century, Friedrich List and Henry C. Carey. Did it not
occur to these ostensibly science-oriented engineering students, that the
U.S. wars against Britain in 1776-1783 and 1812-1815, were a defense of
the superior economic policy of the U.S.A. against the drug-pushing and
other predatory practices of the ever-morally-decadent British system?
those students were taught nonsense, bread-and-butter motives prompted
most of them to believe steadfastly in the nonsense they had been taught.
Later generations of students were, as a whole, much worse than those of
the World War II veterans. The decadence expressed in the design and
relative unreliability of products manufactured under the influence of the
cult of "benchmarking," illustrates the outcome to which that
corruption within my generation has led during the recent decade.
the related case, of the introduction of the so-called "new
math," which was being popularized during the late 1950s and early
1960s. There could have been no possible outcome of this but significant,
virtual brain-damage of two generations of secondary and university
the beginning of the Nineteenth Century, Carl Gauss's Disquisitiones
by his teacher, the great founder of anti-Euclidean geometry, Abraham
had been the standard for competent mathematics instruction. This
masterpiece should be the recognized standard, even today, for basic
secondary and higher education in mathematics. The result of replacing
that standard with "the new math" program, should have reminded
any literate professional of Jonathan Swift's famous description of
education as practiced on the allegorical floating island of Laputa.
all sorts of academic specialities, much of what was being peddled was,
with increasing frequency, not only rubbish, but transparently so. No
intelligent student would swallow such stuff, had he or she not been in
such a terrible hurry to pass the courses, that there was no time to
consider the possibility that what was being taught was a hoax, often of
the ideologically motivated variety.
introduction of the "new math" was not a mistake; the
implications of the inherent incompetence of that system were already very
well established, and widely known.
The relevant literature leaves no margin to doubt, that this was a
deliberate act of mass-brainwashing of what is now two generations,
designed to cripple the potential of students for competent thinking about
such matters as physical science, and economics. It was the calculated
ruse of the circles of the radical positivists Ernst Mach and Bertrand
result has been, that most among the generations drilled in that "new
math" approach introduced during the late 1950s, have not only been
crippled in their capacity for scientific thinking, but many of those
popular policies which have led the U.S. economy down the road to
self-destruction, since the mid-1960s, have found a growing basis for
acceptance of such destructive policies, in the accumulated effects of
"new math" indoctrination upon generations passing through
schools and universities during the recent forty-odd years. The
proliferation of pseudo-scientific fads in not only statistical argument
today, but also in enacted statutes and international treaty-agreements,
typify the natural product of this pathology.
as more and more of the top positions in public and private institutions
have been taken over by persons born after the nuclear bombing of
Hiroshima, the effects of the spread of radical-positivist trends in
education, have produced a crisis of national leadership. Most of the
persons of those generations, leading the public and private sectors
today, have virtually no comprehension of how successful economies of the
pre-1966 period actually worked. The current crop of corporate industrial
and bank management, is a disaster. The role of the "new math"
has been only a leading part of that loss of ability to think effectively
about economic policies, but an extremely important part. Once again, the
cult of "benchmarking," is to be recognized as a reflection of
the factor of scientific-technological imbecility already embedded
axiomatically in the "new math" and "programmed
learning" curricula of the late 1950s and 1960s.
is typical, with rare exceptions, of the trend in higher education which
most of those returning veterans, and others, experienced in universities
during the immediate post-war decades.
back to the late 1940s and 1950s, as if to ask them, then: "What are
you doing with your life?"
answer would often be to the effect: "I am going to be a success,
move into the suburbs, have nice children, a fast car, a pretty wife, and
leave guys like you way behind." In the end, there were many personal
tragedies, beginning the mass layoffs unleashed during the 1957-1958
recession, when pink-slipped executives who had had $40,000-level
salaries, were trying to
peddle their resumés to employers who were not buying at the time.
of those university-educated veterans did some good work, despite all
that. A few did excellent work, although not without flaws they should not
have incurred. People are naturally born good, and some of that can be
brought out in them under the right conditions. Nonetheless, from the
standpoint of the direction of relative motion, that is the way it was.
of these and related problems attributable to most of those returning
veterans and their families over the recent fifty-odd years, must take
into account a crucial extenuating circumstance. Grant the fact, that the
overwhelming majority of the returning veterans capitulated to the kinds
of conditioning I have outlined here. Why should they have capitulated in
that manner and degree? Grant, that the generation of those World War II
veterans produced suburbia's "Baby Boomer" generation, who were
educated to become victims of the victimization of their parents'
generation, and to make their own generation a, similarly, even more
should be obvious, that their problem was lack of a sufficiently clear
sense of personal cognitive identity, a lack of that sense of identity
needed to supply them an efficient impulse to resist. They should have
cried out: "Stop telling me! Walk me through the process of making
the discovery for myself!" Why did they not do that? I know, I can
still hear the voices from my childhood and youth: "Once you have
learned what your teachers and textbooks tell you, then the time will come
when you will be permitted to judge for yourself."
us brainwash you for twelve to twenty years, until you graduate, and then
`think for myself?' " "If you wish to get ahead, you must
learn to go along, to get along."
principle such brutal slogans express, is the same used to establish the
dictatorship known as the Roman Empire. There was the ruling class, and a
mass of virtual human cattle which the Romans named the populari
(English: predators), and the system which the Nazi regime, like the
British monarchy and the late Walter Lippmann, adopted from the Romans, popular
opinion. In the typical case from the veterans' youth, it was
considered shameful not to be "popular." "Popular
opinion," as defined by the Romans, the Nazis, and the prevalent
culture of the U.S.A. today, is the method by which a ruling oligarchy
induces its subjects to discipline themselves into playing the part the
ruling oligarchs assign to that mass of human cattle, which they consider
most of you to be.
should learn how to become more popular, or, at least, less
unpopular." Let some poor fellow adopt that imperative as a virtual
axiom of his habit-making. There is no more efficient way to brainwash the
susceptible, especially those passing through the emotionally perilous
time of adolescence, than to torment them with the challenge of trying to
gain a bit of popularity in an intrinsically capricious social climate.
most of the American veterans returning from war, gave up their weapons,
but also their personal cognitive sovereignty. I know; I sadly watched it
happen. I wish that they, and their children, would reclaim what most of
my generation lost during that time.
The Roots of
become a truly sovereign individual, you must muster the courage to insist
on clear answers to certain crucial questions. For example, "What do
I do, in the case that what I know to be true, puts me into direct
conflict with popular opinion?" "What if my policy of `going
along to get along,' compels me to commit, or even merely condone, a
brutal sort of injustice?"
am certainly not proposing that you, for example, should burn down the
courthouse, because the judge is corrupt. For reasons stated clearly
enough in such locations as I Corinthians 13, I join
the Apostle in despising the sophistry of such "single issue"
adventurism, both then and among the circles of Mont Pelerin Society asset
and penetration-agent Paul Weyrich today. I do imply, as I shall explain
here, that you should take some form of action appropriate to your
position in society, to bring an efficient remedy into play within the
social process. This implies a preference for the use of the method of
persuasion represented by that sublime figure, the Reverend Martin Luther
taking an appropriate stand, as Martin did, against falseness and other
wrongs, you are, at a minimum, maintaining your personal sovereignty. If
you do not take a stand for truth and justice, you have thereby lost a
corresponding degree of your own personal integrity, your sovereignty over
yourself. If you continue that opportunistic submissiveness long enough,
and far enough, you will degenerate into something which you, in your
better days, would have abhorred, as Oscar Wilde portrays a case of
induced self-destruction, in his The Picture of Dorian Gray.
good, should never be understood to signify the consequence of not
violating some fixed set of rules. You should never be rewarded for not
spitting into someone else's face, or for not stealing. Showing the
number of so-called single issues which you have not violated,
gains you no merit in an honest court of judgment. Goodness, which is a
synonym for agape, for the sublime, and for grace,
is not a matter of discrete individual acts; it exists only as a quality
of efficiently continuing intention.
them, over there, to bring to a close their weeping over their own
personal problems, or, over those of their local community. Let them weep
for their nation; but, above all else, weep for the lack of measures taken
to remedy the perils threatening humanity generally. To identify the
specific nature of those pathological assumptions which underlie the
goldfish-bowl syndrome, you, and they, must first define your own personal
sense of identity in a sane way.
way" signifies, that you must take all mankind, your own nation most
immediately, as it is said, "into your heart," and judge how the
behavior of your society accords with that society's responsibilities for
mankind as a whole, or does not.
in first, rough cut, is the standpoint from which the distinction of
"pathological" is to be attributed to any habitual response from
within that population. From that world-historical standpoint, you must
then judge, what characteristics of a society's behavior do, or do not
correspond to the goldfish-bowl syndrome.
at the problems of society today from the vantage-point of the Classical
humanist method of education.
as much as your own educational experience allows, that you have been
educated in the cognitive mode I described here earlier. Reflect upon the
effect those experiences had upon your memory.
You may, thus, recall the cognitive voice of Archimedes speaking to you
across 2,200 years. There are many other cognitive faces assembled within
your memory, each from his or her own time. The moments of their cognitive
discovery of a valid hypothesis, live afresh within you. You are,
therefore, your sovereign self, but they also live within you, in that
way. You are, in that respect, all of them you know in that way, all
dwelling in the same simultaneity of eternity, and also dwelling, in the
same fashion, within the memory of your own sovereign cognitive processes.
now being one among them, in sharing your own memory, remembering your
past, and anticipating your future prospects as if from memory. Thus, so
reminded, you are looking at the past and future of mankind. It is with a
mind's eye so informed, that you now focus upon the historical time and
place in which so many influential and other Americans are making fools of
themselves, while pushing their nation to the nearing brink of
destruction. Now, in this moment, look at who you are. You are, or can and
should be, a world-historical personality, feet planted in the present,
local time and place, but with a mind encompassing a large expanse of past
and future alike.
see many terrible things. You
wish you might fix each; but, you come to your senses, and realize that
that simple reaction is not the solution. The problem is not the bad
things which happen; the problem is, as all great Classical tragedy
illustrates the point, the system which causes them to happen. Do not kick
the automobile, as if to beat it into willingness to repair its own flat
tire or exhausted battery. You must fix the system which generates
important problems. You must find the tools to grasp, and the method for
using them, not to change the accomplished act, but to be able to repair
that system itself.
once you have accepted that advice, you are your sovereign self again. You
are once more seeing things historically. You are studying the past and
the present, to discover the action needed to ensure the future, as did
those giants, associated with Benjamin Franklin, who created the
Declaration of Independence and Federal Constitution, to create the
future, as Lincoln said the same in his Gettysburg address.
when you consider the state of the nation and world in terms of those
references, you are thinking as a great national statesmen should think,
the way in which his, or her development qualifies a person as a
prospective statesman. All great statesmen look at their nation's future,
and the world, as I do; that is one of the essential qualifications of a
true statesman. He or she can not fix every problem of the nation's
people, one at a time; he, or she, must correct the policies which cause
such problems, or which allow them to persist.
is from that point of view, from the standpoint of that world-historical
self-conception, that you must view the problem of the goldfish-bowl
my point of view, you are no longer viewing the universe as if you were a
tiny figure, desperately attempting to cope with the sundry great and
lesser powers affecting your personal and family circumstances. Instead of
that predicament, you are together with the friends from many times and
places, who share the dwelling-place which is your memory of the cognitive
simultaneity of eternity. From this higher vantage-point, as if in
Paradise, you are looking toward the "little you's" time and
place, a time and place which, under your memory's eyes, is but a small
village within your overview of a great span of past, future, and present
history of not only our planet, but our Solar System.
your friends in memory at your side, are looking at this span of not
merely history, but a great historical process in ongoing development. You
find your "little you" at a point midstream in that development.
of you, at least, will recognize that as the standpoint from which I have
portrayed important, historically situated events and issues, in numerous
among my earlier published writings. I wish you to consider the
goldfish-bowl syndrome from that vantage-point. To do this, you must draw
upon relevant aspects of your own personal cognitive experience, and to
attempt, thus, to replicate in your own mind the conception which I am
projecting from mine.
result of such a shift in viewpoint, is that, instead of looking at social
processes as a kind of connect-the-dots way of relating particular
observations of conditions and incidents, as the astronomical schemes of
Ptolemy, Copernicus, and Brahe did, that you look at social processes as
Kepler came to view the Solar System. For you, as for not only Kepler, but
Leibniz, Kästner, Gauss, Riemann, and others like them, you then view the
historical process as the primary fact, and particular conditions and
incidents, as Kepler et al. defined the position and velocity of a planet,
as a reflection of the orbit as such. As in Leibniz' calculus, where you
see the existence of the differential as a product of the integral, not
the other way around, so you, if you are competently educated, see the
existence of conditions and events as products of the historical processes
("the orbits") which determine their existence.
shift in viewpoint, from a naive, to a cognitive standpoint, provokes
certain eerie sensations in the person, especially during the early stages
of practicing to think scientifically, rather than deductively. At this
point, I should explain several crucial points at some length, to assist
the reader in dealing with such sensations as they may be experienced in
the ensuing outline of the manner in which I define the kinds of
pathologies associated with the goldfish-bowl syndrome.
famous Dr. Sigmund Freud and others, have responded to certain aspects of
such eerie sensations. The Freud steeped in the influence of the radical
positivist Ernst Mach, would not concede even the existence of
self-knowable cognitive processes, but he could not ignore the evidence,
that "behind" certain eerie states expressed within
consciousness, "there is something there." He gave what are
called, euphemistically, explanations, or called, in the current
English-language vernacular, "spin." That he would misinterpret
the phenomena in a systemically erroneous way, should be obvious to anyone
who knows Freud's pro-Machian background.
than a quarter-century ago, I delivered what became a somewhat celebrated
series of lectures and featured writings, under the title of "Beyond
Psychoanalysis," on how to deal with the predominantly negative
aspects of Freud's theses, while taking into account the fact that he had,
in fact, stumbled into certain discoveries.
Those of his discoveries to which I refer here, were clinically real, but
his interpretations were dubious, usually destructive, sometimes even
dangerous. I now touch on some of the issues of that series of my lectures
and writings, limiting myself to those issues which pertain to the subject
which is presently immediately at hand.
can be no doubt of the existence of phenomena corresponding to a
distinction among "conscious," "preconscious," and
"unconscious" behavior. In reality, one can provide a rational
notion of those classifications only from the standpoint of the cognitive
process. I introduce the needed clarification by supplying a few rough,
but relevant rule-of-thumb definitions.
significance of the word "conscious" is broadly obvious, if not
notably profound. As the term is commonly used, "conscious
activity" is manifest to us as a bundle of either actual or imagined
sense-perceptions, or some combination of both, in which the visual aspect
is dominant, and hearing second. In fair approximation, these are shadows
of an actual, or imagined sense-perception, with one's perception of
emotion included among sense-perceptions. Within today's globally extended
European culture, what might be termed the "structural" form of
conscious states, or quasi-conscious dream states, approximates a
term, "preconscious," is meaningful, in referring to the
phenomenon of a prescience of words or ideas "on the tip of my
tongue." However, conceding that clinical fact, begs more questions
than it answers.
interpretations of the term "unconscious," as used by Freud and
his rivals, should be discarded. There is, admittedly, "something
there"; but, to discover what that something "is," one must
first clear away the rubble of much of the Twentieth Century's
psychoanalytical tradition on this topic. This is the area in which only a
mastery of the notion of cognition from the standpoint typified by Plato's
dialogues, will lead to fruitful understanding.
that stated, is the alternate meaning of the "unconscious," as I
employ that term here? How can we know the functionally definable
characteristics of the relations among the psychological phenomena called,
respectively, the "conscious," "preconscious," and
a first approximation, think of the relationship between the set of
definitions, axioms, and postulates of a Euclidean geometry, and the
theorems generated under the control of those a priori
assumptions. The customary classroom definition of definitions and axioms,
is that their authority is derived from the presumption that they are
"self-evidently true." Those statements are usually expressed in
symbolic and deductive terms; that is to say, that the speaker uses the
imagery of sense-perception. However, from the standpoint of cognitive
processes, we know that the imagery of sense-perception, is never better
than a shadow of reality. I shall make that point respecting various
mental states, and its significance, clearer, a short space ahead.
lies the key to the goldfish-bowl syndrome. Situate the preceding
section's discussion of Euclidean systems in the context of this
discussion of functionally definable mental states. What, thinking of
Plato's allegory of the cave, or the "as in a mirror darkly," of
I Corinthians 13, is the real object which corresponds
to the shadow of the Euclidean's definitions and axioms? What underlies
the sense-perceptual imagery, the mere shadows, used for the Euclidean
definitions and axioms?
the standpoint of the Classical humanist method of education, as I have
summarized it in earlier portions of this report, we know the following.
In the case of an experimentally validated universal physical principle,
we know, and have been able to prove that the behavior of relevant
sense-perceived objects, is governed by knowable principles which are
impossible to visualize in terms of sense-perception. Yet, as I have
described this process, the ability of the sovereign cognitive powers of
the individual mind to transmit knowledge of universal principle, by
provoking re-enactment of that discovery within the cognitive processes of
another mind, enables society to recognize, and efficiently employ a class
of ideas for which no literal sense-perceptual image exists. That fact,
provides you the means to access, consciously, a meaningful notion of what
may be termed unconscious mental processes.
make that point clearer, illustrate the point in the following terms.
the simplest illustration of that fact, the ability of two or more
persons to share in common, knowledge that a validated discovery of a
universal physical principle is a socially communicable act of cognition,
makes the existence of that experience an object of conscious thought.
Thus, the discovery of any principle so defined, even though it have no
sense-perceptual form, introduces a conscious idea of something which
existed previously only outside the domain of the thinker's ordinary
notions of conscious thought and communication. That is the only
meaningful use of the term "unconscious" to denote a
functionally significant quality of the human mental processes.
is one qualification to be added to that description of the case.
is notable that the characters of Plato's Socratic dialogues bear, at
least often, the names of notable figures from that part of history. I
have no information which shows me, whether these were written as
recollections of actual conversations, in whole or part, or, are synthetic
history, in which case the best indications are, that the positions of the
named notable characters were faithfully incorporated in composing the
dialogue. We may observe from study of good Classical drama which adheres
to the principle of historical specificity, that the individual author was
able to create the drama, involving various characters, in an imitation of
a true dialogue. We sometimes include a relatively poorer quality of
written compositions, or plays of indifferent qualities as worth examining
for the real-life clinical interest. Also, in general, we are able to
organize synthetic dramas which are more or less good approximations of
Classical art, within our cognitive memory-processes, that to the included
purpose of adducing a principle in the form of a recognizable idea, as if
we had created two or more personalities within that memory-process, who
would be engaged in the process of transmission of cognitive ideas among
two or more perfectly sovereign personalities.
Classical drama, most emphatically, is a device for adding the part of
individual members of the audience to the dramatis personae on
restate the kernel of that point. In all successful Classical artistic
compositions, and in the successful performance of the intention expressed
by the composer, the composition becomes a medium of cognitive
communication among composer, performer, and audience. The ability to
compose such art, and to perform it competently, requires the quality of
mind which is able to synthesize the communication of a cognitive idea, as
on stage, to an audience. If all of those requirements are satisfied, the
public or quasi-public performance transports the individual members of
the audience from where they sit, into the domain of their cognitive
But, is it not possible, that even absurd notions of principle, in
addition to valid ones, can inhabit that same domain of "the
the case of valid discoveries of universal principle, we have uncovered a
principle, a valid hypothesis, which is characteristic of the universe,
but which is contrary to previously prevalent conscious assumptions, and
also contrary to that location's previously existing unconscious
assumptions. Usually, this discovery contradicts, systemically, a mixture
of both conscious and unconscious "axiomatic" assumptions.
Through cognition, thus, the previously unexplored regions of the
unconscious are brought into the surface as ideas, otherwise known as
social ideas. The act of communication of such discoveries, by what
I have identified as the Classical humanist mode, produces a conscious
idea within consciousness, but one which has intruded from the
unconscious, into the conscious domain: a Platonic idea.
example, all of the pivotal discoveries of principle of modern
mathematical-physical science, have come into knowledge, as Platonic
ideas, in this way. The founding work of modern experimental science,
Nicholas of Cusa's De Docta Ignorantia, is filled with such
products of the cognitive processes. The work of Leonardo da Vinci,
Gilbert, Kepler, Fermat, Huyghens, Leibniz, et al. is typical. Also,
William Shakespeare's dramas, including the entirety of his English
history series, are also typical. All strictly Classical poetry, such as
that of Goethe, Schiller, Keats, Shelley, and Heine, is typical. In music,
the development of the well-tempered system of bel canto tempered
vocal polyphony, and the strictly Classical method of polyphonic
composition, of Mozart, Haydn, Beethoven, Schubert, Mendelssohn, Schubert,
and Brahms, illustrates the same principle.
Classical humanist method, as studied from the standpoint of the
equivalence of Analysis Situs to Classical artistic forms of irony
and metaphor, especially metaphor, illustrate in a powerful way, how the
previously unconscious is made conscious, through successful cognitive
action, this equally in physical science so-called, in Classical artistic
composition and its successful performance, and in Classical modes of
considerations are also the key to the goldfish-bowl syndrome! Here lies
the significance of Plato's use of Socrates to introduce the notion of agape
into the dialogue with Thrasymachus and Glaucon. Here lies the message of
I Corinthians 13.
Socrates proves for today's world, is that not only both Thrasymachus and
Glaucon, but also U.S. Associate Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, or
such Heritage Foundation-linked ideologues as Paul Weyrich, for example,
are morally insane. Their moral insanity lies within certain among their
underlying axiomatic assumptions of belief.
we have a clear case of the pathological implications of a goldfish-bowl
syndrome. Here we have a representative case of a superficial, arbitrary
assertion, which reveals itself, by its practical implications, its
"natural products," as reflecting an unconscious motive whose
quality is specifically evil.
the cases of Scalia and Weyrich, their upholding the notion of
"shareholder value," whether called "Thatcherism," or
by any other name, is a form of moral insanity. Their crime is to insist
upon introducing into what I have qualified as the actual
"unconscious domain," notions which are not merely purely
pathologies are not products of the processes by which legitimate
hypotheses are generated for experimental validation, but are asserted in
militant defiance of the principle of that real justice which exists only
in the submission of the irrational to the Socratic principle of cognitive
truthfulness, that by the rulers and ruled alike. They reject that
remedial Socratic action, which represents the process of bringing of the
domain of arbitrary unconscious assumptions under the self-control of
individual cognitive reason.
have selected the radical-empiricist absurdities of Scalia and Weyrich as
illustration, because of the relevance of these selected cases to the
discussion of the most relevant forms of homicidal mass-insanity in the
U.S.A. today, the hideously destructive features of U.S. economic
policy-making during the past thirty-five-odd years. I mean the
thirty-five years since Richard Nixon and his campaign made their
1966-1968 pact with the Ku Klux Klan and kindred elements of the
complete with the matter of the distinctions among empirically
identifiable conscious, preconscious,
and unconscious states, consider that which I have just written on that
subject here, from the standpoint of experimental scientific method.
several previously published reports, I have laid fresh emphasis upon the
significance of the work of Vladimir Vernadsky's definition of biosphere
and noösphere. The most
crucial feature of his argument on that account, is the manner in which he
underscores and employs the elementary principle of experimental physical
science. As I have stressed this point in those earlier locations,
Vernadsky's working conception of the universality of the concept of natural
products, is crucial. The definitions of a rational use of the notion
of distinctions made by me among conscious, preconscious, and unconscious
thinking, are efficiently approached from the standpoint of that same
notion of natural products emphasized by Vernadsky.
the statistical side of experimental phenomena, the competent investigator
places great emphasis on accuracy in data and method, as Kepler did, but,
once the statistical material has been cleaned up in those respects, he
has only secondary interest in the merely possible usefulness of further
attempts at deductive extrapolations from statistical evidence. Science
begins each time we recognize that the evidence at hand compels us to
overthrow simply deductive methods of statistical extrapolation.
is characteristic of Kepler's founding of modern comprehensive
mathematical physics. That is Vernadsky's treatment of biosphere and
it applies equally to the matter of defining a rational use of the terms
conscious, preconscious, and unconscious.
I have stressed in the previous section of this report, it is through
discovering the systemic contradictions produced by applying empirical
evidence to a previously established, fixed system, that we define an
axiomatic quality of contradiction within the referenced
mathematical-physical system, or its equivalent, thus posing a problem in Analysis
the existence of a meaningful metaphor in Classical poetry, occurs only
when the relevant contradiction, or ambiguity in meaning of terms,
corresponds to the existence of an actually existent idea lying between
the cracks of two valid applications of a term or phrase. This also
defines a problem in Analysis Situs. The solution for the contradiction
posed by the problem in Analysis Situs, whether in mathematical
physics, or in Classical poetry, is of the same general nature. These
notions are the same which appear in Vernadsky's application of the notion
of natural products to the distinction among ostensibly non-living,
living, and cognitive processes.
we have the distinction of the natural products of deductive method from
those of cognition's expression as the Classical humanist method. Thus, we
have both the categorical distinction of conscious from unconscious
states, but also the multiple-connectedness of the two. The distinctness
of these states is as absolute, physically, as the difference between
animal and human life. Similarly, Vernadsky emphasizes that human
cognitive action (discovery of universal physical principle) introduces
what is, from the standpoint of physical science, an absolute difference
between man in the biosphere, man acting as merely another animal, and man
making the noösphere, cognitive man.
is our ability, through cognition, to generate new, qualitatively
higher states in the noösphere, which defines the characteristic feature
of what I have identified as unconscious human behavior. It is this action
of changing the otherwise unconscious, which renders the notions of
universal physical principle, so-called Platonic ideas, an object of
willful conscious behavior. Thus, man changes himself, as no lower species
can do this.
of the type exemplified by the goldfish-bowl syndrome, fall thus within
the category of mankind bestializing himself, as the pro-Mont Pelerin
Society doctrines of Scalia and Paul Weyrich do precisely that. The fight
between the agapic authority of the cognitive principle, and the
bestiality of the unimproved unconscious processes, are expressed as a
struggle between good and evil, with Scalia and Weyrich self-defined as on
the side of evil. The doctrine of "shareholder value," as
expressed by Scalia and Newt Gingrich's classically fascistic version of
the "conservative revolution," a form of fascism expressed in
the radical right, populist doctrine of "Contract on America."
That is the white-sheeted "Critter Company" riding again. This
is not man as a beast, but man degenerated into a caricature of a beast.
of the goldfish-bowl type, fall into two relatively distinct
psychopathological categories. Simply, first, there is mankind which
refuses to rise above the relatively bestial level of unconscious
motivations. Secondly, there is mankind which has added a new quality of
bestiality, that to the effect of reversing the process of upward
cognitive development of culture, by means of an artificial principle
which acts as an efficient innovation within the unconscious processes,
which is relatively novel, but pushes mankind back in the direction of
becoming a beast. Hence, the fascistic quality of fanaticism of the
Southern Strategy and such expressions of that as the "shareholder
value" rules-of-thumb of a Scalia and Weyrich.
the relevant clinical quality of evidence shows us, the political success
of reactionary ideologues such as Scalia and Weyrich, lies chiefly in
their appeal to what Armin Mohler, among other notables, has defined as
"the conservative revolution."
Typical is the case of the first modern fascist state, that of Napoleon
Bonaparte. Napoleonic France's original form of fascism, like all fascist
states since, is based upon the effort to revive a modern equivalent of
the ancient Roman Empire, as Napoleon's pretensions to be Caesar, Pontifex
Maximus, and upholder of Roman law (the Code Napoléon) typify the
precedent, defined by G.W.F. Hegel and Carl Schmitt, upon which Mussolini
and Adolf Hitler modelled their fascist movements and intentionally
modern "conservative revolution" of Mussolini, Hitler, Gingrich,
Weyrich, Scalia, et al. is also a continuation of modern Romanticism in
law, religion, and art. It looks back to ancient pagan Rome in a way which
is historically specific to today's globally extended, modern European
civilization. Today's "conservative revolutionaries," like the
Holy Alliance's Clement Prince Metternich, and his predecessor, the
ultra-reactionary Chancellor von Kaunitz, look back to the long struggle
against the rise of the modern nation-state, during the medieval history
of Europe. It is feudal institutions, such as those typified by the
alliance of Venice to the Plantagenet pestilence, during the interval from
England's Henry II through Richard III, which are the historically
proximate models for the characteristic forms of the modern
launching of fascism by Bonaparte, already implicit in the
London-orchestrated Jacobin Terror of Marat, Robespierre, and Danton,
launched on July 14, 1789, is a phenomenon specific to the strategic
conditions produced by the 1776-1787 success of the U.S.A., in securing
its victory over the British monarchy, and in formulating its draft
Federal Constitution. All fascist movements of strategic significance,
including the Confederacy and the modern Carlist cult, have been crafted
as proposed antidotes to the specific threat which the feudalist tradition
views as rooted in the model of the U.S. Federal Constitution, especially
the principle of the general welfare embedded in the Preamble of that
just as Napoleon modelled his imperial role upon the Romantic precedent of
"Sun King" Louis XIV's apotheosis of himself as Pontifex Maximus, so the typical conservative revolutionary of the Twentieth
Century, has adopted the forms of feudalism associated with either the
Venetian, financier-oligarchical model of the British and Dutch
monarchies, or the Habsburg-dominated Holy Roman Empire and its sequelae,
as the myth-ridden model of society to which they seek to return society,
away from the legacy of the 1776 U.S. Declaration of Independence and
Preamble of the 1789 Federal Constitution. In the U.S. itself, the
"conservative revolution" usually adopts the model of the
Confederacy, as the Nashville Agrarians have done, as the premise for
launching a U.S. form of fascism to match Hitler's.
more general, underlying characteristic of the conservative revolution, is
that it always idealizes some social order extant prior to the emergence
of the modern sovereign nation-state republic, even to the extreme of
idealizing "primitive society," or "perpetuating an
allegedly `natural state' of man's relationship to nature." The theme
is, "progress has been a terrible sin," which we must uproot, as
the "conservative revolutionaries" associated with the
Presidency of George W. Bush, have made a foolish fetish of virtually
eliminating taxation, in order to replace the authority of the state by
private financier oligarchies ruling a "globalized world," as
ex-President George H.W. Bush's interest in Barrick Gold's holding in
Congo, in Argentina, and elsewhere, typifies the caricature of Plantagenet
feudalism which attempts to carry civilization all the way back to the
same obscene, conservative-revolutionary lust, is to be seen in a
fascination with titles of nobility, or the same thing in effect, the
sordid Nashville Agrarian cult of Henry A. Kissinger's mentor, the late
William Yandell Elliott. It is against this background that the
goldfish-bowl syndrome of Gingrich, Weyrich, Scalia, et al., is to be
assessed today. The same is to be said of Ayn Rand devotee and Federal
Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan, better known of late as
necessary background now provided, we shall return to look at the
goldfish-bowl syndrome from the standpoint of the science of physical
precondition for defining a pathology in any system, is to define the
function which a healthy process of that species performs. Once that point
of reference is established, the meaning of dysfunctions in that process
can be established, as a matter of contrasting distinguishable species of
best method used in applying that approach, is the referenced method of Analysis
Situs. Vernadsky's use of the conception of natural products,
to distinguish among non-living, living, and cognitive processes, is a
useful conceptual model of the way in which an investigation should best
proceed. Thus, relatively healthy and sick varieties of the same type of
system can be compared, and the discrepancy addressed in terms of
identifying the pathological element through seeking out the relevant
"natural product." Either a single pathology, or a range of
pathologies may be specifically identified as types, in this way.
applying that standard, one, or both of two general classes of
dysfunctions may be identified. The first type is usefully termed
"episodic"; the second type, to which the "goldfish-bowl
syndrome" belongs, is strictly termed "systemic."
function to be used as a standard for reference, for examining a systemic
pathology of the "goldfish-bowl syndrome" type, is a general
economic function, as defined in terms of a physical economy, rather than
an economy as commonly misdefined in predominantly monetary terms. The
only sane premise for the usual argument against examining society from
the standpoint of economy, is the incompetence of what is, usually,
mistakenly considered to be economics. Notions of economies as essentially
monetary or even merely financial-accounting systems, is a typical
expression of such academic and related incompetence. That incompetence is
among the most significant, and pervasive of the fish-bowl-syndrome
pathologies to be considered.
however, I must describe the functioning of the economy as a social
process. Then, against that background, we shall examine the typical
pathologies of today's popular and other beliefs about economy.
I have already indicated here, the uniqueness of the human species, in
contrast to all other living creatures, is that the individual person has
those cognitive powers on which his species depends. It depends,
absolutely, for its continued survival as society, upon the improvement of
the potential relative population-density of the human species in general,
and also of particular societies. This uniqueness of the human species is
expressed by the indispensable role of cognition-generated discoveries of
universal physical principle, in generating man's increase of his species'
potential relative population-density.
introduces the difficulty, which I have already identified. We can not
define man's relationship to the universe, unless we go beyond an
individual's knowledge of valid universal principles and their subsumed
technologies, to recognize that the relationship of scientific and
technological principles to productivity, depends upon organized
cooperation in support of the application of that knowledge to social
practice. It is within the context, that the relevant pathologies to be
considered, are to be located.
the vantage-point of political-economy, the needed combination of
individual discovery of principle and technology, and cooperative
application of those potential advances in the potential relative
population-density, there are principally two general categories of
application to be considered: 1) basic economic infrastructure, and
2) private enterprise. These two categories of application, are
situated within the context of the population as a whole. The connection
between the two categories of application and of the population, is
expressed by what is fairly termed "the function of changes induced
in the structural composition of employment of the total labor-force."
"structural composition of employment of the labor-force"
(including unemployment, for this purpose, as a category of employment),
we are pointing to changes in ratios within the economy as a whole. For
example, to reformulate a point presented by Alexander Hamilton, the
provision of both improvements in basic economic infrastructure and
products of industry, increase the productivity of agriculture, per
capita, and per square kilometer.
This should, normally, result in a smaller percentile of the total labor-force required for the nation's agricultural requirements, and, if
the government maintains rational forms of regulation of international and
interstate commerce, a higher physical standard of living for the farmer's
household, and also further increases in the productivity of the farms.
The associated effect, is then a shift in composition of the national
labor-force, into industry and relevant professions. This shift, if based
upon scientific and technological process in both general education, and
in the design of products and productive processes, transforms a growing
ration of the industrial labor-force into the principal driving force for
the subsequent round of progress in raising the physical-economic
productivity of the population as a whole. The study of the change to this
effect, for all categories, over the interval 1790 to the present, is a
relevant area of study on this point.
results of such latter studies, are, on the one side, a demonstration of
how well the American System of political-economy, as defined by Hamilton,
List, and the Careys, works, and, on the contrary side, points to the
inevitably destructive effects of the policy-tendencies of the tradition
of the Confederacy and its Wall Street accomplices. Thus, the validity of
the American System is clarified, by its "natural products";
but, in the same way, the pathological character of the contrary policies,
such as the trends of the recent thirty-five years, is also demonstrated.
repeat what I wrote here earlier, the relationship among all three of
these components of a political-economy, is defined in terms of the three
input-output categories: a.) per capita of labor-force, b.) per
square kilometer of surface area, and c.) rate of long-term
improvement of the demographic characteristics of a growing population as
a whole. The rate of increase of the relative ratio of output to input in
all three combined categories, implicitly defines a function.
for planetary orbits, this function can not be determined by simplistic
statistical projections. We can measure apparent changes in performance
after the fact; but, while we can project improvements, we can not arrive
at the exact amount of those improvements by statistical accounting, or
related, methods. We can know what to do to obtain a significant benefit,
but we can not know in advance, by any presently conventional statistical
methods, what the amount of that benefit should be.
if we might imagine, arbitrarily, that all the other difficulties of
making an exact projection were solved, we will still be faced with the
fact that the driving-force of long-term progress, is the sovereign, and
willful cognitive powers of each among the members of that society. No
deterministic solutions for this forecasting problem exist; only
voluntaristic ones could succeed in addressing this challenge. That
would not occur according to deterministic standards. The principal
function of the economist, is not to predict exact efficiencies achieved,
but to advise on selection of choices of route of travel.
everything important in history, in the life of nations, and so on, the
decisive factor of change is willfulness, efficient intention. Don't ask
your accountant to tell you what the result will be, choose the efficient
intention which will permit your appropriate degree of determination of
what are relatively good, better, bad, or worse choices of route of
action. The best choice should achieve reasonable success in reaching
like a scientific discoverer, not an accountant. It is usually despite a
mistaken, shareholder-interest type of accounting practice, that,
ironically, national economies have achieved their relatively greatest
degree of progress in technology and output, under conditions of warfare
or threat of warfare. This is not because warfare is productive, quite the
contrary. It is that when the imperatives are powerful enough, progress
occurs despite the advice inherent in current, shareholder-oriented
methods of accounting practice.
cannibalistic self-destruction of the U.S. economy, since the 1966-1968
Southern Strategy-based election-campaign of President Richard Nixon,
illustrates the point. The same can be said of the world under the reign
of the IMF's inherently parasitical, "floating exchange-rate"
monetary system, since mid-August 1971, illustrates the point. The same is
to be said of the tax-reduction policies of President George W. Bush et
al., which are destroying the U.S. economy, in order to privatize it,
which is, in other words, to cannibalize it: to loot it into an even more
catastrophic condition than has been already reached through such national
economic calamities as the Presidencies of Nixon and Carter.
shall now put together the pieces of the economy which I have identified.
I have slightly amplified those elements. To make the readers' task
easier, I shall now construct the relevant picture of the economic process
in two phases. First, I present the structure of the economic process in
cross-section. Secondly, I describe the changes in that cross-section as a
process. This process I represent as comparable to Kepler's development of
the relationship among the principles which determine the structure of the
first component of an economy to be considered, is what is best classed
under the heading of "basic economic infrastructure." In
political economy, which first came into existence as a by-product of the
first modern sovereign nation-states, during the Fifteenth-Century
European Renaissance, the proper functional definition of "basic
economic infrastructure," is the nation-state government's unique
responsibility for all of the people and all of the nation's
in matters which affect the functional condition of the area as a whole,
or the people as a whole, the state has duties and authorities which it
may delegate conditionally, but the state retains the unshirkable, full
responsibility for the general welfare of the nation, its area, and its
people, each considered as an indivisible whole interest.
detailed in earlier published locations authored by me, and in an
important historical study by my wife Helga Zepp-LaRouche, although the
effort to establish sovereign nation-states may be traced from the famous
Peter Abelard, through the struggle by the Emperor Frederick II, in Italy
and Sicily, Alfonso Sabio of Spain, and the work of Dante Alighieri, the
first successful prescription of the form of sovereign nation-state
republic was by Nicholas of Cusa, in his influential Concordantia
Catholica, in which he defined the essential, principled
conditions for replacing the feudal system, by the establishment of a
community of principle among distinctly defined nation-states, states
which were each perfectly sovereign, and must remain so.
led, through that century's great ecumenical Council of Florence, to the
establishing of a reformed France under Louis XI, and, with the overthrow
of the tyrant Richard III, the continuation of the example set by Louis'
France in the England of Henry VII. However, for complicated reasons,
including the Venice-orchestrated, ruinous religious wars which plagued
Europe during the 1511-1648 interval, the first true sovereign
nation-state republic was founded, by backing from the leading promoters
of the general-welfare principle from throughout Europe, in the U.S.A.,
during the interval 1776-1789.
uniqueness of the sovereign nation-state, lies not in its form, but rather
its coming into existence as a fundamental change in principle of
government as such. Prior to the Fifteenth-Century Renaissance, all
known society was based on systems in which a relatively small number of
families constituted a ruling caste, which hunted, herded, used, and
culled the greater mass of their subjects, subjects they treated, in
practice of law and custom, as virtually, or even actually human cattle or
wild animals to be hunted, and either killed, or turned into domesticated
the history of the region around the Mediterranean, those forms of
European culture which subjected the many to the actual or virtual
condition of human cattle, were of the type known as the
"Babylonian," "Persian," or "oligarchical
model," the latter so named for the role of formal oligarchies,
including that of Sparta. This was also the model of ancient pagan Rome,
and of the Roman Empire, and the Byzantine Empire as well. It was also the
model of the European feudal system, and the model expressed as the rise
to imperial maritime power of the Venetian financier-oligarchy.
crucial feature of the Fifteenth-Century revolution in statecraft, was the
adoption, as a principle of natural law, of the principle known in
Christian theology as "the common good," as not only a principle
to be observed by government, but as a condition on which the moral right
of government to exist depends absolutely. This principle of statecraft,
has been described, since the Fifteenth Century, as "the general
welfare." Under the principle of the general welfare, no government
has the moral authority to rule, except as it remains efficiently
committed to promote the general welfare of all of the people and their
other words, the Confederate States of America ("the
Confederacy") never had the moral right to exist. A government which
condones chattel slavery, or otherwise subjugates large portions of its
own people to the status of virtual human cattle, as approximately 80% of
the U.S. population has been so degraded under the legacy of Richard
Nixon's 1966-1968 "Southern Strategy" campaign, has abandoned
its moral claims to rule. Unless it repudiates such a policy of practice,
that society is in the process of bringing its ultimate destruction upon
itself, either in the short term, as the U.S. is self-threatened today, or
over several or more generations, as the ancient Babylonian, Achaemenid,
Roman, Byzantine, Dutch, Portuguese, Spanish, Austro-Hungarian, British,
and other empires, have either been destroyed, or are now foredoomed to
that outcome. Such, as Aeschylus' Prometheus trilogy argues, are "The
Twilights of the Gods."
forms of society, like the Eighteenth-Century Physiocrat, and virtual
Bogomil, Dr. François Quesnay
of laissez-faire notoriety, deemed the landlord's serfs to be
merely human cattle, as making no more economic contribution in excess of
their bare subsistence, than mere cattle do. Societies constituted
according to the oligarchical model, considered the state and its people,
as the personal property of the emperor, or some functionary or caste
which held that kind of power. Thus, under those conditions,
political-economy as we know it since the close of the Fifteenth Century,
did not, and could not have come into existence.
this principle of natural law, the principle of the general welfare, came
such including leading features as the notion of basic economic
infrastructure, Roman military roads and aqueducts notwithstanding. The
difference between the infrastructure-building practice of civilized
society and Roman road-building, will be made clear in the following
the required amount of the total investment in basic economic
infrastructure of society, as required for sustaining the growth of the
U.S. economy as a whole, runs toward, or sometimes above half of the total
investment in the economy. Franklin Roosevelt's mobilization of the U.S.
economic recovery from Calvin Coolidge's terrible 1929-1933 economic
depression, required relative levels of investment in about those
the level of investment falls significantly below that or a similar
required level, the economy as a whole will either simply stop
progressing, or will even collapse, in much the way the collapse of the
net level of investment in infrastructure has collapsed, in the order of
many trillions of dollars, since the depredations caused by the
successive, radical policy-changes by the Nixon and Carter
fraudulent claims to prosperity, by the U.S. government, during the recent
thirty years, have created the spectacle of a man who proudly fills his
stomach by dining upon his own legs. The pillaging of earlier capital
investments in such infrastructure, and the casting-off of
responsibilities for previously established infrastructural
responsibilities of government, are typical of the methods of what the
French have named autogestion, in which abandoning the maintenance
of an actually incurred essential cost, even entire, essential elements of
industries, appeared as a contribution to profit-levels in some parts of
the economy. One does not need to resort to a stock-market forecaster's
statistical charts, to know where that kind of "consumer
economy" is headed.
leading "hard" components of basic economic infrastructure,
include the categories of general water management of the territory as a
whole, development and maintenance of transportation systems for the area
as a whole, development of the land-area, and, increasingly, the
development of a system of production and delivery of power, in increasing
quantities and effective energy-flux densities. The management and
development of forests and the land-area generally, are integral and
urgently required components of basic economic infrastructure.
the state has the responsibility for ensuring the provision, maintenance,
and development of health-care and educational systems. The special
feature of these two professions, is notable here.
latter professions, when competently practiced, place their emphasis upon
the sovereign character of the individual's cognitive functions. The role
of the educator and working scientist, within the setting of a Classical
humanist method of both education and collaboration with colleagues and
others, typifies this. In health, the education and work of the individual
physician is exemplary of the same principle, just as the relationship to
the sovereign personality of the patient defines the role of cognitive
functions in the work of physician.
an educational system consistent with Classical humanist principles of
education, that system, when integrated with its proper leading role in
fostering the production of the advances of science and technology,
produces a benefit which spills over into the economy as a whole, and
serves as the principal driver of the national and world economies.
even on this account alone, the decrease of the teacher-pupil ratio, to
about fifteen to twenty in a class, is essential for a high rate of
intellectual productivity, and is therefore indispensable for effecting a
high rate of increase of productivity in the economy as a whole. Without a
high rate of cognitive participation of each and all among the students,
with the teacher, and among each other, a high quality of Classical
humanist education, and future scientific and related productivity of the
pupils will not be generally possible. At the same time, the increase of
the ration of this sector of national infrastructure, relative to other
categories of employment, is the mark of a growing and progressive economy
and the standard of living enjoyed by its households.
addition, basic economic infrastructure includes the essential functions
of the government itself, without which a nation would lack the efficient
capability to meet its general welfare responsibilities.
all these matters, the state has the lawful option of delegating the
conduct of at least some of these infrastructure functions to either local
government, or to regulated private entrepreneurships. Where none else
will, or could step in to perform the function effectively, the state
these functions of national government—with a "withering away of
the state," as utopian socialist and anarchist orators used to howl
their rhetoric—there would be no means for efficient defense of the
general welfare of the people. "Globalization," as it is called
euphemistically today, would mean a rapidly emerging
financier-oligarchy-controlled world empire, under whose reign the
greatest genocide in history would be unleashed in a rapidly escalating
pattern. It is the modern form of sovereign nation-state, upon which the
defense and maintenance of the general welfare depends absolutely.
national political-economy operating under the rule of universal
"free trade," ever succeeded in maintaining itself, except by
enjoying and using the power to loot other nations, as the British
monarchy has done for about three centuries to date.
we see in the way in which President Bush's personal financial cronies are
looting the energy systems and health-care systems of the nation, the
results oblige us to describe these circles as best named
"privateers," since their existence depends upon enjoying the
same legalized authority to loot and pillage as the legalized pirates, set
upon the seas under such colors of legitimacy as "letters of marque." They are modern buccaneers, those multi-national corporate
interests, who, with aid of private armies of mercenaries, have been
looting Africa, and playing a leading direct as well as indirect role in
literal genocide unleashed upon populations such as those in the Great
Lakes and eastern Congo area, and who are preparing, together with
presently leading forces in Australia, to pick the body of distressed
Indonesia, after the customary practice of packs of hyenas.
from basic economic infrastructure, there is chiefly private
entrepreneurship. This is represented, chiefly, by two cornerstone
categories, agriculture and goods-producing industry.
performance of the technologically progressive family, or intra-family
farm, of several hundred acres for a crop farm, and perhaps a few thousand
for a ranch, proved itself, until President Jimmy Carter, the most
effective food-supplying machine imaginable. As long as this type of
highly productive farmer could obtain a fair price for the farm's product,
the educated modern family farmer would not only produce food, but would
also supply a great part of the maintenance of woodlots and idle
land-areas, on which the general defense of the environment depended. Cut
farmer's food-prices far below the total net incurred cost of maintaining
the farm in production, and with continued rate of improvements,
especially since the 1977-1981 interval, and you have the wind-swept,
desolation across what used to be the great farm-belt of the U.S.A. before
are areas of the world today, which were once prosperous, areas such as
Iraq, which supported a far larger population in ancient or medieval
times, than they could support today. The root of that painful
discrepancy, is degraded economic policies toward agriculture and
infrastructure, such as the practices of usury introduced by the predators
who usurped control of the great Caliphate of Baghdad. Travelling a short
distance up the Euphrates, during April 1975, I saw with my own eyes, what
I had come to know of the history and ancient medieval Mesopotamia from my
exemplary 1950s studies of the physical-economic history of the region.
What the predatory, usurious successors of the great Caliphs had done to
ruin what had been one of the most advanced cultures, during the reign of
Charlemagne, and predators who followed, has never been truly repaired to
the present day, and, if the faction of Margaret Thatcher and the George
Bushes have their way, never will.
tragedy of Mesopotamia should be taken as a warning of something similar
set into motion in the U.S.A., under both Nixon and Carter during the
1970s. Just as the Coolidge Administration acted during the 1920s, to
accelerate the spread of what became the dust-bowls of the 1930s, the
kinds of economic policies toward agriculture, and rural and semi-rural
America generally, today, are modern mimics of the follies which caused
the genocidal collapse of regions of the ancient and medieval world.
his celebrated 1791 Report to the U.S. Congress, On the Subject of
Manufactures, Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton laid out,
prophetically, a combined development of agriculture, infrastructure, and
urban production, which he identified as integral features of the American
System of political-economy. This concept was developed further by the
German-American economist Friedrich List, and by the world's greatest
economist of the Nineteenth Century, Henry C. Carey.
was no arm-chair economist. The 1861-1876 economic mobilization of the
U.S.A., was conducted under American System policies pushed by Carey,
which guided President Abraham Lincoln to unleash the great mobilization
which made the U.S. the world's leading model of an agro-industrial
economy by 1876, a model which inspired much of Eurasia, including Japan,
Germany, and Russia, to adopt the American model as their newly adopted
policy. The great Nineteenth-Century upsurge of economic progress among
nations of Central and South America, were also fruits of the impact of
the 1861-1876 program of Carey.
are the principal elements of the basic structure of a viable modern
agro-industrial economy. Infrastructure, agriculture,
physical-goods-producing industry. They are the basic, essential elements,
but not the truly crucial element which actually drives economic growth.
sets the stage for the more crucial elements of the discussion. Now
consider the features of an economy which drive it upward.
all monetary theory aside for the moment, so that our attention may be
fully concentrated on reality, on physical economy. The question, so
situated, is: How are we able to increase physical productivity of the
national labor-force as a whole, such that the standard of living of
households is constantly improved over the course of the span of a
generation, yet the ration of the total output devoted to new investment
increases per capita and per unit-area? Thus, we have returned to the
subject of science and technology. Consider the relevant essentials of the
all increases in the potential productive powers of labor, are
derived from the combined effects of, first, the discovery of validated
universal physical principles, and, second, from the technologies which
are defined as included features of successful test-of-principle
experiments. This includes tests of new combinations of technologies.
all realizations of the potential increases in the productive powers of
labor, are made possible solely through the cognitive aspects of
cooperation among the members of the society. This is the area in which
the principal systemic pathologies of national economies are located.
think like Kepler! Put it this way. Given knowledge of past trends in
performance of a physical economy, on what premises can we presume that
those trends show us what the future will bring? Take as an example of the
problem, one of Karl Marx's most famous blunders, his doctrine of the
Pathology of `Free Trade'
there a basis for reporting the existence of a past pattern of decennial
cycles by Marx and his orthodox followers? Yes, there was. Was there,
allowing a certain degree of fair approximation, a significant
continuation of that pattern? Yes, to some degree. Was there some
adducible scientific basis for such patterns? Yes, there was. Did Marx
understand such patterns? Excepting the great blunder on this point
featured in what Frederick Engels organized as Volume III of Marx's
Capital, Marx did recognize a cyclical trend built into a pattern
of a greater rate of appreciation of financial capital than actual output;
but, his proposed theoretical explanation for the appreciation of the
financial capital, was wrong.
The root of his blunder on this account, was his adoption, under such
influences as Frederick Engels and the veteran British Foreign Office
agent Urquhart, of the official British mythologies concerning the origins
blunder, on this account, was identical in form to that of Claudius
Ptolemy: his, and Engels' failure to grasp the rudiments of scientific
method. Except for the fact, that the antics of Margaret Thatcher, the two
President Bushes, and their like, might be bringing Marx's name back into
vogue again, we need consider Marx's mistakes only as a way of putting
that issue to one side. The importance of Marx's error, is that he
borrowed it from, chiefly, British subjects and their agents, such as
Giuseppe Mazzini. The deadly
problem threatening humanity today, is principally the wild-eyed follies
embedded within philosophically liberal British political-economy.
folly of British liberal political-economy, should remind us of
Copernicus' qualified success in reviving the ancient Greek astronomer's
insistence, and also the insistence of the Fifteenth-Century Cardinal
Nicholas of Cusa, that, contrary to Ptolemy, the Earth orbitted the Sun.
Was Copernicus' approach to astrophysics reliable? No, it was systemically
incompetent. Marx and Copernicus failed similarly on this point. They both
committed the same fundamental, reductionist's error of method, the error
pointed out by Kepler.
point I am emphasizing at this location in my report, is that, contrary to
Marx, there was never any political-economic necessity that a modern
agro-industrial, entrepreneurially-driven economy should be subject to
boom-bust cycles. Similarly, it was never guaranteed that a marriage
would produce children, unless one added the proper, efficient intention
to the arrangement, as Kepler pointed out the crucial significance of intention,
in his rebuke of both Copernicus and Tycho Brahe. Even putative accidents
are usually a reflection of an intention lurking somewhere among the
bushes. What should we conclude from this?
this question from the standpoint of my unmatched success, at least
according to the published written record of my forecasts, as the most
successful economic forecaster among all known during more than three
decades. That has never been factually contested, except in cases in which
what is attributed to me for that purpose is contrary to fact. This
permits me to make certain blanket statements, as an expert, on the
condition that I then show the evidence proving that proposition.
at the present state of globally extended contemporary European models of
economy, the principal fallacy in all these cases, has been the adoption
of the religious superstition of the Bogomil cult, the so-called
"free trade" principle of Mandeville, Quesnay, Smith, Bentham,
et al. The contrary principle is typified by that American System of
political-economy, which was founded largely on the basis of the
Americans' study of the argument which Leibniz made, under the formulation
"life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," against the
follies of the dogma of John Locke's Essays on Human Understanding.
Here, in this contrast, we meet, yet once again, the same issue of science
versus reductionist statistics, which Kepler addressed and proved in his
treatment of the erroneous method of Ptolemy, Copernicus, and Brahe. The
issue is, once again, reductionist forms of statistical determinism,
crucial issue of economic processes, is, "What is the intention
of the state?" Here is where Marx's quasi-Hobbesian notion of a state
defined by molecular-interest modes of conflicts among private and class
interest, fails axiomatically. The founders of the U.S. republic were
wiser. The secret of choice between successful and failed economies, lies
within the choice of intention of the state, the intention adopted
as the efficient will of the nation as an indivisible sovereignty.
the case of the U.S., the overriding intention is that set forth in the
opening paragraphs of the 1776 Declaration of Independence and the 1789
Preamble of the U.S. Federal Constitution. That is the primary
constitutional intention of the U.S. economy under the American System of
political-economy. That intention is implicitly sufficient, on the
condition that we must, from time to time, supplement that with specific
medium-term to long-term policy-objectives, as, for example, in the case
of the mobilization of a war to defend the Preamble of our Constitution.
issue of the intention of the indivisible sovereignty of a
republic, an intention premised upon Socratic forms of cognitive reason,
has been the life-and-death issue of internal political and social
conflict within what became the U.S.A. since the English crisis of
1688-1689. It has been the continuing, legendary conflict between the two
great factions which have divided our republic internally, from that time
to the present day. It has been known over more than two centuries as the
conflict between the American patriotic tradition, which I represent in
this report, and the American Tory tradition of all of my notable classes
of political enemies.
latter enemy, the enemy of the legacy of President Franklin Roosevelt, and
of what I represent today, is typified by the Southern Strategy launched,
as a virtual coup d'état, under the banner of the Nixon election-campaign
of 1966-1968, the banner carried by ex-President Bush and President Bush
today. The Southern Strategy form of the American Tory faction, is
typified by an alliance between the type of Wall Street interest once
represented by the "shareholder" interest expressed by the Bank
of Manhattan's, and the British Foreign Office's Aaron Burr then,
and the southern slave-holder interests, and so-called Nashville Agrarian
the late 1770s, the conflict between the American patriots and the
influence of the American Tory currents, was expressed as a conflict
between two classes of general economic policy, a patriotic policy known
as "protectionism," and a Tory policy known as "free
trade." The quarrels which have erupted around those two policies,
have taken many forms, some crucial, some merely secondary, or even
trivial. The issues addressed by this report limit our attention to the
primary, constitutional implications of the opposing policies.
function of protectionism, is to give preferential treatment to those
activities which promote the general welfare, and to place a relatively
greater burden on those which do not. Traditionally, this application of
the general welfare has been expressed, chiefly, in the following several
the development and maintenance of projected requirements in basic
economic infrastructure, including all aspects of the general welfare
of the population at large, and provide for the national defense.
the issue, adequate issue, and circulation of a national monopoly over
the national currency, including the frustrating of all speculation
against it by either domestic or foreign agencies. An efficient
prohibition of the practice of usury in all forms, with efficient
measures to accomplish this.
a regulated system of credit and banking, and regulate practices in
both, that according to both the principled national interest in
promoting the general welfare, and on behalf of medium- to long-term
policies which have been adopted as in the current national interest.
foreign and interstate commerce, as the principle of the general
welfare and current national interest, combined, may require.
preferential treatment to those categories of investment and other
activities, to those private undertakings which should be given higher
priority according to the current determination of the national
these and related measures are aimed, inclusively, at preventing the
influence of monetarism over the economy. If that is done efficiently,
no business cycle would exist.
business cycle, is a product of the toleration of the practices associated
with so-called "shareholder value." Under the latter toleration,
unless interrupted, financial bubbles leading to either cyclical or even
breakdown crises, such as the presently globalized general financial
collapse, are inevitable. Such bubbles, such as the present U.S. financial
bubble, assume the form of investment in the expected rate of monetary
yield on a financial holding, rather than investment in increasing both
the physical productive powers of labor, and the quantity and quality of
the total product. In other words, promoting the three objectives I have
summarized earlier: a.) increase the physical productive powers of
labor, per capita; b.) increase the net rate of output, in quantity
and quality, per square kilometer of area; c.) defend and improve the
demographic characteristics of the households.
must use its rightful, constitutional monopolies of power, to ensure that
the flows work to those intended effects.
significance of those prescriptions of any well-ordered sovereign
nation-state economy become clearer, when we consider the American
System's only strategically significant rival, the British model of
into account all the faults of the U.S. government's policies during the
post-Franklin Roosevelt, 1945-1961 interval, that economy was still a net
success, as measured by the criteria I listed above. The downturn began
during the fiscal year 1966-1967. If we take into account the
often-overlooked capital losses to the U.S. physical economy through what
I have described in the French style as autogestion, the U.S.
economy has been in an uninterrupted down-slide, since the substantial,
abortive cut-backs in the Kennedy space program, during 1966-1967. We did
reach the Moon in grand style, but have not been able to return, since
that initial series of landings.
shift in policies causing this downturn, were introduced about 1964-1966,
about the time the Beatles appeared on the Ed Sullivan Show. A
British-inspired cultural-paradigm down-shift, accelerated by the impact
of the U.S. war in Indo-China, spearheaded the anti-industrial,
anti-science shifts in policy, which have been the characteristic feature
of the 1967-2001 decline of the U.S. physical economy, and real standard
of living of the lower 80% of family-income brackets, to date. The most
notable correlative of these factors, was the role of the Nixon Southern
Strategy campaign of 1966-1968. The crescendo of "free trade"
mania and "shareholder value," since, is the characteristic
feature of the degeneration of U.S. economic policy during the period
since, especially August 1971, and even more emphatically, since the 1977
inauguration of President Jimmy Carter.
other words, the U.S.A. which had emerged at the close of Franklin
Roosevelt's Presidency, was predominantly an American System economy,
although with an increasing influence of American Tory influences under
Presidents Truman and Eisenhower. President Kennedy represented a credible
threat to return the U.S. to the American System, but his assassination,
especially after McGeorge Bundy's immediately clearing the way for the war
in Indo-China, brought the Kennedy economic policies to a close by
1966-1967. With Nixon and Carter, the American Tories took over. The Mont
Pelerin Society version of the British model, otherwise sometimes known as
the Thatcher model, took over in the domain of economic policy
increasingly, all the way up to the currently ongoing crash of the system
that has ruled and ruined us under the preponderance of influence of the
then, is this pesky British liberal model?
is the Venetian model, a model developed during the period of Venice's
replacing Byzantium as the dominant imperial maritime power of the
Mediterranean. This imperial maritime power reigned through its practice
of usury, initially as the "loan shark" of feudal Europe.
Venice's policies were typified by that so-called Lombard banking system,
which, together with the state of warfare orchestrated by Venice in
concert with the Plantagenets, plunged mid-Fourteenth-Century Europe into
what historians have named "The New Dark Age," during which more
than 30% of the level of population of Europe, and half its parishes
vanished, within but a few decades.
Fifteenth-Century Renaissance, which launched the institution of the
sovereign nation-state, threatened to end Venice's power. Venice, after
defeating the League of Cambrai at the beginning of the Sixteenth Century,
struck back, unleashing the persisting pattern of massive religious
warfare of the 1511-1648 interval. As part of this process, a Venetian,
Zorzi, appeared as the marriage-counsellor to England's Henry VIII. Zorzi
was flanked by a Venice asset and Plantagenet heir, Cardinal Pole, by the
most notable agent of Venice, Thomas Cromwell, and sundry others. The
bastion of the Renaissance in England, Sir Thomas More, was beheaded. With
developments of 1588-1589, including the rise to power of such agents of
Venice's Paolo Sarpi as Francis Bacon and Thomas Hobbes, the Renaissance
was almost uprooted in England; the empiricism concocted and spewed by
Sarpi took over the official culture of England.
and insightful representatives of the tradition of Thomas More, William
Gilbert, and William Shakespeare, backed the establishment of those
American colonies founded in the spirit of the Renaissance. With the later
coup d'état by the bloody tyrant, William of Orange, the Venetian Party
of Europe had seized nearly total control of England. There was an heroic
counter-effort by English patriots, such as Jonathan Swift, but, with the
banning of the potential Prime Minister, Leibniz, and the death of Queen
Anne, the Venetians, their economic power centered in the Dutch and
British East India companies, gained dictatorial power with the accession
of Orange's former protégé, George I.
in the aftermath of the 1648 Treaty of Westphalia, the religious warfare
in Europe brought under control, the imperial maritime power of Venice was
tottering strategically. Under these circumstances, the Venetian
financier-oligarchy aimed to create a new "Venice" in its own
image, to the north, in those countries, England and the Netherlands, best
suited strategically to emerge as a new imperial maritime power, to
operate globally, rather than with the limits of what had been feudal
Europe and its Mediterranean and Black Sea flanks. England and the
Netherlands became the clones of Venice. During the sweep of the
Eighteenth Century, when Venice was drifting into the background, the
Venetian Party, so-called, dominated Europe. Venetians deployed from Italy
turned up playing a strategic role as influentials from inside the
capitals and governments of the nations of Europe.
this circumstance, the heirs of the Renaissance, gathered around the hope
of establishing a true sovereign nation-state republic in English-speaking
North America, banded together, using the American cause as a common
rallying-point of resistance to the influence of Venice and its financier
and royalist assets throughout Europe. Thus, when one rips off the masks,
the only significant division within the entire sweep of the post-1511,
globally extended European civilization, is the continuing conflict
between those principal political forces, the Renaissance tradition,
represented, on the one side, by the American System of political-economy,
and, on the other, the Venetian tradition whose leading expression today
is the British liberal model of economy. The emblematic expression of this
conflict, is the conflict between production and usury.
must learn from the experience of the most typical, separate and combined
follies of "free trade," "out-sourcing," and
"globalization." See why only a reckless incompetent, or worse,
in economics, would ever endorse the idea of gaining an advantage from
"cheap labor," and "less burden of maintaining
infrastructure" in less developed regions. The principle subsuming
these and related cases, is that productivity is not located within the
activity of an individual, nor of a particular private enterprise. A
few examples will be sufficient for our purposes here.
the case of infrastructure, first.
two virtually identical industrial plants, committed to producing products
of identical design and specifications, one in an infrastructure-rich
region, the other in an infrastructure-poor region. Even assume that the
skills of the operatives are equal, the plant situated within an adequate,
or improved infrastructure of its nation and region, will have a
significantly higher productivity. Bernhard Riemann would explain it to
you very well.
reaching his conclusion, Riemann, as a highly skilled experimental
physicist, trained in the school of Carl Gauss, Wilhelm Weber, and Lejeune
Dirichlet, would demand that the relevant data be "normalized,"
that in the same sense a qualified astrophysicist, such as Kepler, would
do in dealing with a series of observations to be made in the setting of a
multi-body function. So, in economics, one must define the system in which
one's measurements are to be located; otherwise, you are incompetent, as
most contemporary academically trained economists are. You must always
define the functional relationship of the subjects of the observations to
the context in which they are situated. You must also define the cycles,
such as physical-economic half-life of a capital investment, of each
subject and the distinct functional aspects of its context.
the principal determinant of potential productivity is cooperation in the
application of discovered universal physical principles, the relative
impact of the application of such principles, and their associated
technologies, to production, depends upon four factors: 1.) the
quality of cultural development of the labor-force employed; 2.) the
level of intensity of physical-capital investment in the development and
use of the means of production; 3.) the development of basic economic
infrastructure; and, 4.) the effect of the environment, including its
improvement or depletion, on the other three.
example, a family household which must work the equivalent of more
than one-hundred-twenty hours a week, or more, especially if the
commuting-time for each working person exceeds four hours per working
day, can not sustain the cultural quality of life in the household to
raise children effectively. If the household income per capita is
relatively low, the destructive pressures tend to be enormous. If the
educational system and related cultural environment, are not
pro-physical science (rather than formal-mathematical) and do not
approximate the principles of a Classical humanistic education, the
quality of potential productivity, and capacity for rational behavior,
and ability to assimilate challenging productive skills, of the next
generation's labor-force will be significantly inferior to that of the
current generation, falling repeatedly over successive generations.
under the relatively best family-household conditions, and formal
education, the lack of sufficient well-maintained intensity of capital
investment in means of production, will depress the productivity of
the labor-force significantly below its human potential. Depletion of
historical physical-capital investments, will lower productivity, even
bringing it down to catastrophically poor levels, as we witness the
reaching or verging upon such breaking-points in the U.S.A. and Europe
the environmental conditions are kept relatively constant, the most
decisive factor in determining relative productivity is basic economic
infrastructure, as I have described this above. On this point, the
importance of employing the standpoint of Riemann is made most
so-called "environment," including climate, is increasingly
subject to improvements, as the level of accumulated knowing of
universal physical principles increases, and as higher levels of
productivity and of applicable energy-flux density emerge.
Furthermore, as science and technology progress, even the definition
of natural resources changes.
example, with the presently foreseeable development of large-scale
power-generating complexes of very high energy-flux densities, the use of
so-called fossil fuels will shrink as if toward the vanishing-point.
Petroleum and natural gas, like coal, for example, will be used, more
prudently, as feed-stocks for the chemical industries, while synthetic
fuels for heating, automobiles, and aircraft, for example, will be
generated more or less locally.
had the U.S. space-program not been aborted increasingly, since nearly
thirty-five years ago, we would, today, have established automated
production on the Moon, would have a functioning geostationary
space-station in operation, and would be combining Moon-built large-scale
components with relatively light-weight essentials lifted, by aid of a
system, to be combined with the product constructed on the Moon. Under
those conditions, sending flotillas of such space-craft, under
continuously powered flight, to the orbit of Mars, as Wernher von Braun
proposed during the 1950s, would have occurred, or have been in sight, and
the building of a pilot "science city" under the surface of
Mars, would have come within reach.
the kinds of conditions of ongoing change in the Solar System, that
implies, the benefit to life on Earth would not be, generally, raw
materials shipped back to Earth, but, rather, changes in the way we live
and work on Earth. Under those conditions, the functional definition of
terms such as "climate" and "environment" will undergo
significant changes. The conclusion to be reached from such
considerations, is simply, that it is man's interest and duty to improve,
not ruin our environments, and, by relying upon scientific progress, we
shall always be in reach of doing what must be done next.
immediate issue to be stressed here, is that "out-sourcing,"
"free trade," "privatization,"
"deregulation," and "globalization," are violating
every principle of sound economic practice. These are more in the nature
of diseases of the mind, than deserving the dignity of being called
"policies" or "legislation." These are typical of the
deluded axiomatic assumptions, which induce fishbowl-syndrome-like folly
in the mass behavior of much of our present population.
should be generally obvious, even without introducing the implications of
Riemann's discoveries. However, in defining the long-term view needed to
guide us in rebuilding our much-ruined planet and its national economies
over the span of a coming generation (about twenty-five years), the
introduction of that Riemannian standpoint becomes essential for
"out-sourcing" has done, is to loot the pre-existing potential
of the nations to our South, for example, while destroying the productive
potential and productivity of both the U.S. economy, and also of the
members of its labor-force. In the latter case, we have, over a period of
approximately thirty-five years, followed the prescription of the
"Triple Revolution" manifesto of 1964.
The emphasis, especially since the 1979 institution of the so-called
"Volcker measures" of "controlled disintegration of the
economy," has been on dumping U.S. industries and industrial
employment, and substituting cheap labor from poorer nations. We have
either shipped jobs into overseas cheap-labor markets, or imported the
cheap labor to replace the presently employed, and have forced our
citizens to meet the competitive standard of cheap foreign goods, and
imported cheap labor, thus crashing our family incomes, and also the real,
non-fictitious component of our national income. As a matter of government
and corporate policy, the U.S. has collapsed its investment in basic
industry and employment of its productive labor-force, ruined the U.S.
agricultural system which was once capable of feeding much of the world,
and created a vast increase in otherwise unemployed people in readily
dispensable forms of labor-intensive employment, in categories which are
of doubtful usefulness, and which are, at best, purely overhead, easily
discarded "when the time comes."
by applying the rules of "free trade" and
"globalization," the nations participating in such exports to
the U.S. (for example) are looted, by paying the employed labor far less
than the cost to the physical economy of the exporting nation. Thus, like
the British Empire, the U.S. has been living lately not on what it
produces, but, instead, on a growing margin of "invisible
earnings," scraped off the backs of the nation used as an
"out-source." By "globalizing" the world market, the
nations used as out-sources are both more and more cannibalized
themselves, but they, the victims of this arrangement, now engage in
cannibalizing one another in a similar way.
the margins represented, cumulatively, by buying way below the actually
incurred physical cost of production, by adding the unpaid margin of the
U.S. current accounts deficit to the nominal income of the U.S., and by a
multi-trillion-dollar sucking of the monetary flows of the world into U.S.
financial markets, the situation has been now produced, in which the
collapse of the U.S. as an importer of last resort, sets forth a
self-feeding spiral of collapse of the financial and physical economies in
all parts of the world sucked into the "globalized free-trade"
system, including the U.S. itself.
look at the picture I have just described from the vantage-point of a
Riemannian view of the impact of basic economic infrastructure.
Riemannian mathematical physics, the characteristic feature of any
physical action, is the product of both the relative value of the local
action itself and the characteristic value of action of the system as a
whole. This latter value can not be determined mathematically "at
the blackboard." As Riemann says in the concluding sentence of his
dissertation, it can not be determined in the department of mathematics,
but in the department of physics. It must be measured experimentally, as
Max Planck understood, and described his own work in addressing the
challenge of Wien's displacement principle.
economics, the most significant macro-economic influence on determining
the net productivity of production, is the level of development and
maintenance of the basic economic infrastructure of the economy as a
whole. In other words, on condition that we measure relative productivity,
in hard, physical terms, rather than the soft, and usually misleading,
financial-accounting terms, it is apparent, that two virtually identical
enterprises, situated in respectively different national-economic
infrastructures, will vary in their expressed net productivity, that
according to the general characteristic implicit in the national-economic
applies both to so-called hard infrastructure, and to the impact of
quality of development and performance of education and health-care
systems. For example, the existence or non-existence of a Classical
humanist educational system, will have an enormous impact on the long-term
rate of change of productivity of the national economy as a whole.
retrospect, today, one of the most important, and technically successful
long-range economic forecasts which I have made, was first uttered in
mid-February 1983, in a Washington, D.C. hotel-room, during a continuation
of back-channel negotiations between the Reagan Administration and the
Soviet government. The subject of the negotiations was what President
Reagan, a month later, announced as what he had named "A Strategic
Defense Initiative." During my February discussions, I had stated a
two-part warning to the Soviet government, that: a.) if President
Reagan were to adopt, and announce the policy of cooperation which I
outlined, and b.) if the Soviet government were to reject that
publicly announced offer, and pursue the Soviet alternative course
indicated, the already fragile Soviet economy would be faced with a
general political collapse within about five years.
in the President's words on March 23, 1983, what the President proposed,
publicly, to the Soviet government then, had no similarity to the silly
"High Frontier" proposals of my publicly self-avowed personal
adversary, the Heritage Foundation's double-dipping Lt.-Gen. (ret.) Daniel
Graham, or to the folly proposed by the present Bush Administration.
few months after that address, the Bush faction, the Washington Post
gang, and a corrupt element in the Justice Department had my role
sidelined. In the meantime, I had stated publicly what I had said to the
Soviet government in the February meeting. It took six years, not five,
for the Warsaw Pact to begin crumbling. Such are the perils of even the
most competent medium-range and long-range forecasting.
was not the end of the matter. I continued my proposed policy. On Oct. 12,
1988, Columbus Day, I delivered a press-conference statement in Berlin, in
which I forecast the likelihood of, a.) the early collapse of the
Warsaw Pact system, probably to begin in Poland, and, b.) the
prospect of the early subsequent reunification of Germany, with Berlin
designated to become, once again, the national capital. In the same
statement delivered on that date, later rebroadcast in a nationally
televised feature in the U.S.A., I indicated the policy which the next
U.S. government should adopt in response to those developments.
crack in Poland came as I had forecast its more immediate likelihood. A
chain-reaction spread through eastern Europe, culminating in a fateful
moment in Leipzig. So, that November and December, under heavy pressure
from both Britain's Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and France's
President François Mitterrand, a foolish President George H.W. Bush, did
almost exactly the opposite to what I had proposed. To his credit, or,
perhaps that of U.S. Ambassador Vernon Walters, he did not block German
reunification, as the savage Thatcher and Mitterrand had demanded, nor did
he take steps to prevent Berlin's designation as the future capital; but,
typical of Bush as I have known him over about a quarter-century, about
everything else he did in this matter, was terribly wrong.
stuck to the policy I had promised in my Oct. 12, 1988 Berlin address. I
defined what became known as the Paris-Vienna-Berlin Productive Triangle
for rebuilding the combined economies of what had been western and eastern
Europe; during 1991-1922, I proposed, and my associates elaborated what is
now known as the Eurasian Land-Bridge policy.
It now appears, that a process now under way could make that Land-Bridge
policy a reality. What it is important to stress, as an example of crucial
value here, is the distinction between what is thought of merely as a
"new Silk Road," and a system of economic-development
corridors criss-crossing continental Europe, including direct rail
connections from the Eurasian mainland into Japan, and, also across the
Bering Strait into the Americas.
intention of using transportation trunk-routes as "development
corridors" originated, largely through the radiated influence of
Leibniz, into the young United States. As Graham Lowry has documented
crucial aspects of this history, the idea of using railways as development
corridors, was an extension of the persisting impulse of the American
patriots even during colonial times, to develop water and highway routes
into the western regions. The development of the first general economic
plan for railway development, is usually traced by historians to the work
of the German-American economist Friedrich List.
policy was carried forward into the form of the U.S. building of
economic-development corridors across the U.S.A., as the transcontinental
railway system. During and immediately following the Philadelphia
Centennial celebration, Germany, Russia, and other nations adopted the
success of the Lincoln-Carey 1861-1876 upsurge of the U.S. economy as the
model for their own nations. Mendeleyev's leading role, and the policies
of Count Sergei Witte, typify the direct U.S. influence behind the
Trans-Siberian Railway. Studying some of the work of Mendeleyev, shows
that what he had in mind was the development, not of simply railway
routes, but development corridors in the same general sense I have
proposed in initiating both the Productive Triangle and Eurasian
proposals, and the view which underlies my making them, are to be
understood from the vantage-point of the Riemannian view of the
mathematical-physical form of functional relationship between basic
economic infrastructure and productivity of individual farms and
Franklin Roosevelt mobilized the recovery of the U.S. economy from the
Depression wreaked under Coolidge's reign, by foremost priority on public
investment in basic economic infrastructure. The case of the Tennessee
Valley Authority typifies this in the simplest and clearest way. Roosevelt
required nearly eight years of economic recovery measures dominated by
infrastructure development, to produce the national economic machine
capable of dealing with the war made virtually inevitable by the 1933-1934
consolidation of Adolf Hitler's dictatorship, a war which Roosevelt saw
coming, no later than 1936, and for which he prepared the U.S. economy.
in a ruined world, a world ruined by about thirty-five years of reigning
folly among most of the world's nations, we can recover, but not easily:
the ruin has been allowed to go on too long for quick fixes. We face,
world-wide, an economic situation worse than that of the early 1930s, but
it is a situation we can begin to master immediately, if we choose. Even
if we have the sense to make the needed sweeping changes in international
monetary, financial, and economic policies, the road upward will be a hard
one. About a generation will pass before the world will reach the plateau
we must reach, if civilization is to avoid a global demographic
as Shakespeare wrote, "is the rub." Are you, personally, willing
to make those changes in your opinions, your outlook, your intentions,
which most of us, at least, must make, if we are to come safely out of the
presently perilous situation now coming down upon the world as a whole?
That is where the delusions really show themselves most clearly.
you willing to discontinue the goldfish-bowl syndrome of popular opinion
until now? Are you going to continue to insist, "I don't go
there," when you are asked to give up foolish beliefs such as
"free trade," "new economy," "deregulation is
here to stay," "you can't put the toothpaste back in the
tube," or "no one I know is going to go for it," or,
"you could be right, but since I have to go along, to get along, I
have to oppose what you suggest"? Every man his own Shakespeare's
tragedy of Hamlet!
you were to visit some early New England graveyards, such as the famous
one on Tremont Street in Boston, you would see some interesting comments
inscribed on the tombstones. If our nation is buried, it could be that on
our nation's tombstone, some witting craftsman would carve the following
inscription: U.S.A. b. 1776, d. 2002. "It Had To Go Along,
To Get Along."
that to happen, would we not be obliged to say, that the prevailing
opinion of the U.S.A. today, is not merely a goldfish-bowl syndrome, but,
that it was, frankly, insane?
Peter Weiss, The Persecution and Assassination of Jean-Paul Marat,
As Performed by the Inmates of the Asylum of Charenton Under the Direction
of the Marquis De Sade (Boston: Atheneum, 1966). In post-war
literature, this play is the classic representation of "the inmates
taking over the asylum." The historical Marquis de Sade was
imprisoned in the Bastille when the French Revolution broke out, and was
transferred to the Charenton asylum. In the play, he and the other inmates
take over Charenton, banish the staff, and put "on trial" an
inmate playing the part of Marat—whom they proceed to kill.
Although my first long-range forecast was made during 1959-1960, and
repeated in various locations with limited circulation, at several times
over the 1961-1965 interval, the first widely published versions of that
forecast appeared as offshoots of my teaching at various college and
university locations during the 1966-1968 interval. Since then, all of my
subsequent, medium- to long-term forecasts have been presented in written
form, with significant elaboration. See, Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr.,
"The Coming Disintegration of Financial Markets" (LaRouche's
Ninth Forecast), EIR, June 24, 1994, for a summary of this
record. For that reason, I refer to the recent "thirty-five
years" in comparing my record to what should have been known to at
least a significant number of ostensibly leading economists from that
time-frame. I stress forecasts actually made by me, to exclude discussion
here of a significant number of intentional misrepresentations concocted
by adversary media.
This is the same argument which the founder of modern astrophysics,
Johannes Kepler, made against the method shared in common by the so-called
leading authorities quoted in his time: Claudius Ptolemy, Copernicus, and
Tycho Brahe. See Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr., "Faith,
Hope, and Agape!" EIR, June 1, 2001.
The requirements of all three classes of audience are best served, by
relegating the matter of certain niceties to footnotes supplied.
It should not be considered necessary for me to show, once again, what I
have covered more than adequately in many earlier locations: that the
notion that Bernard Mandeville, Adam Smith, Jeremy Bentham, et al., are
competent authorities in the field of political economy, is an
intrinsically anti-scientific belief.
J. Kepler, New Astronomy, trans. by W.H. Donahue (Cambridge,
U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1992). Cf. Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr., "Faith,
Hope, and Agape!" EIR, June 1, 2001.
See, Helga Zepp LaRouche, speech
on May 6, 2001 at a conference of the Schiller Institute and International
Caucus of Labor Committees in Bad Schwalbach, Germany, Fidelio,
Summer 2001; also, Pope John Paul II, message to a Mass at the Cathedral
of Trier in Germany, May 15, 2001, cited in " `His Ideas Are
Efficient to This Day,' " EIR,
June 8, 2001.
This is the definition of the modern form of Platonic method, which Cusa
named "docta ignorantia." It is also the definition
underlying Bernhard Riemann's revolutionary definition of physical
geometry, in his 1854 habilitation dissertation, "Über die
Hypothesen, welche der Geometrie zu Grunde liegen," Bernard
Riemanns Gesammelte Mathematische Werke, H. Weber, ed. (New York:
Dover Publications reprint edition, 1953).
Creativity and playfulness are normally interrelated phenomena. At least,
this is true to the degree that people who are not playful about life in
general, and all really serious other matters, are not creative. Something
to the same effect was argued by the late Dr. Lawrence S. Kubie, in such
of his published writings as The Neurotic Distortion of the Creative
Process (New York: The Noonday Press, 1961; reprint of 1958
University of Kansas Press edition), and his Daedalus
feature on "The Fostering of Scientific Creativity," Spring
1962. The rigidly, compulsively deductive man of learning, shows such
neurotic qualities. Serious studies prompted by playfulness, are typical
of that which separates the prolifically creative personality from the
learned dullards. The forms of irony and metaphor which coincide with
Leibniz's definition of Analysis Situs, are typical of the gulf of
distinction between the creative scientific and artistic personality, and
the blockheaded dullness of the uncreative pedant. Most of my own
important discoveries, as well as my significant capacity for
problem-solving of a certain type, are the fruit of the kind of
playfulness, which is illustrated by that impromptu study of the
From the standpoint of materialism or empiricism, what perception
represents as an individual object, acts upon other objects, and is acted
upon by other objects, as the empiricists insist upon that view. From the
opposite standpoint, that of competent physical science, reality is not
composed of collisions among objects, but of the object's role in
changing, and being changed by, the characteristics of the domain in which
it acts. In other words, it acts upon the action within the domain in
which it occurs, rather than the false view, in which the domain is
composed of the sum-total of interacting objects. The correct view is to
be seen most clearly from the standpoint of the science of physical
economy, that for reasons I shall summarize at a later point in this
report. In the meantime, focus upon the role of the human mind; we shall
come to the physics of the matter a bit later.
The Fable of the Bees, or Private Vices, Public Benefits
Friedrich von Hayek, "Dr. Bernard Mandeville," The
Collected Works of F.A. Hayek, W.W. Bartley III, ed. (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1989).
The behaviorist form of this same argument is the central feature of
Immanuel Kant's ideology, as featured in his The Critique of
Practical Reason, under the section-heading "The Dialectic of
Practical Reason." Kant's argument there is copied by Dr. Sigmund
Freud as the latter's doctrine of repression.
Granted, pathological traits of certain cultures and of individuals, such
as the circles of President George W. Bush, Jr., may cause them to exhibit
the traits popularly associated with an hedonistic personality-type,
rather than the alternate assessment, that such traits are symptoms of a
diseased form of human culture, or simply a pathological form of the
development of the personal character of the individual. As I shall
emphasize, afresh, later in this report, the innate quality of the human
individual is goodness. The goodness may require redemption, but like any
intrinsically good value, it exists to be redeemed. It is consistent with
the avowed common intention of the doctrine of Mandeville, et al., that
they advanced their misanthropic view of human nature, in order to give
license to the practice of evil by their followers.
Not overlooking the revolution which I have made, by my expanded
application of these terms.
Leibniz created the calculus as a solution to a problem defined by Kepler.
Leibniz's calculus also incorporates the principle of relativity of
space-time which he, together with Christiaan Huyghens, Jean Bernouilli,
and others, developed in response to Fermat's related discovery of a
universal principle of "quickest time" as the alternative to the
popular notion of shortest distance. Thus, Leibniz's calculus, contrary to
the castrated version produced by Augustin Cauchy, is premised upon a true
notion of the still, today, misunderstood notion of universal
In mathematics, the idea of such a universality is associated with an
actual infinity, as distinct from a pathological use of the term, such as
"at infinity." Since nothing exists outside the universe, as I
have defined it here, infinity is not a number; it is a notion of the
universality of cases within a self-bounded universe, outside of which
nothing exists, and for which no exact number could exist.
Anti-Euclidean geometry is not to be confused with the, unfortunately, all
too common explanations of "non-Euclidean geometry." The opening
paragraphs of Riemann's 1854 habilitation dissertation outlaws all of the
notions of definitions, axioms, and postulates associated with a classroom
Euclidean geometry. Kästner student Gauss shared the essential feature of
his follower Riemann's views on so-called Euclidean geometry, but avoided
making that politically hazardous view public until the controversy with
young Bolyai brought the issue to limited public attention.
E.g, Euclid: The Thirteen Books of the Elements, Sir Thomas
L. Heath, trans. (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1956).
This includes objects which were not actually experienced, but are
concocted as something which the believer presents as in the form of
actual objects of sense-perception. "Invisible ghosts" are
included among such fantastic objects, objects which, although not
perceived, have the same attributes as objects which are perceivalble.
Kepler, New Astronomy. Although Copernicus copied Nicholas
of Cusa in restoring the Classical Greek Solar hypothesis, as Kepler
demonstrated (op. cit.), Copernicus' method was the same childish,
"connect-the-dots" one used by Ptolemy and Tycho Brahe.
For example, Hermann Minkowski, in his celebrated lecture on Space, Time,
and Matter, adopted Lobatchevskian non-Euclidean geometry as the method
for representing the principle of relativistic time. It was an inspiring
lecture, but the Euclidean assumptions buried within the argument led
toward a dead end.
If one understands Riemann's work, one recognizes that the foundation of
what became known as a Riemannian manifold was already richly embedded in
the preceding work of Gauss. The principal difficulty for the student of
the history of mathematical physics, is that Kästner student Gauss
already understood, as a youth, and also used the significance of an
anti-Euclidean physical geometry throughout his later work. Gauss's
exchange of letters on this subject, as with both Janos and Farkas Bolyai,
and also others, refers to both that youthful work, and also references
the political reasons Gauss did not dare to reveal his discoveries to that
effect during most of his adult life-time. One should never underestimate
how much of Gauss there is in Riemann's revolutionary discoveries. I will
not cater to such an underestimation.
See, Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr., "A
Philosophy for Victory: Can We Change the Universe?" EIR,
March 2, 2001; "The
Tragedy of U.S. Education: Shrunken Heads in America Today," EIR,
April 20, 2001; and "Faith,
Hope, and Agape!" EIR, June 1, 2001.
See Stanley Ezrol, "Elliott and the Nashville Agrarians: Warlocks of
the Southern Strategy," EIR,
Jan. 1, 2001. The Nashville Agrarians, or Fugitives, were launched
during 1928-1930 by a group of Vanderbilt University student
"poets," under the leadership of Rhodes Scholar John Crowe
Ransom. Their manifesto, "I'll Take My Stand," proclaims their
support for "a Southern way of life against what may be called the
American or prevailing way. . . . Agrarian versus
Industrial." Among the founding members (also a Rhodes Scholar) was
Harvard's William Yandell Elliott, the mentor of Henry Kissinger. Despite
their historical defense of the Ku Klux Klan, then and now, their
manifesto is claimed as a founding document for both the Gingrichite
"Conservative Revolutionaries" and the "leftist"
environmentalists and Wellsian one-worldists. Today, they exist as the
Southern League, which publishes the Southern Partisan.
My use of "British" here, signifies two characteristics of the
English monarchy under William of Orange, and the British monarchy since
the accession of Hannover's Georg Ludwig (a.k.a. "George
Louis"), to the present date. The narrower significance is the
British system of political-economy, as that was derived from the
empiricist liberalism associated with such as Locke, Mandeville, Hume, and
Bentham. Politically, it references the British monarchy's function as the
virtual "hereditary Doge" of a ruling financier-oligarchy which
is modelled upon the period of Venice's power as the ruling imperial
maritime power of Europe.
For just one example, contrast the Christian, who believes that God made
"man and woman equally in His own image," to the typically
racist cases among the Bible-Belters, such as President George W. Bush's
Attorney General John Ashcroft, who plainly rejects that principle.
The strict definition of such classes of behavior, culture, or society, is
approached from the standpoint of Leibniz's notion of a higher calculus,
incorporating the principles of Analysis Situs, which he named a monadology.
It is usually bad practice to suggest that Plato's dialogues are intended
for the silent reading of an individual. If the individual does not know
the method in advance, he will almost certainly make a terrible mess of
his efforts to follow the text. Most of the heralded English-language
academic's commentaries on Plato are worse than rubbish on this account,
and the school of E. Cassirer as well. Like a great Classical drama,
Plato's dialogues are not to be "interpreted"; they are to be
experienced. The experience of some of my associates has shown them, that
this is more likely to be accomplished if a dedicated group of persons,
advised by one with some expertise in the Greek, acts out the dialogues as
they are plainly written: as Classical drama. As each actor works to
represent the role he is playing, the tension of the dialogue is sensed in
the conflict being acted out among the actors. In short, a Plato dialogue
should be recognized as the actors re-enacting the discovery of principle
which resolves the paradox presented.
I.e., The Republic
Put to one side those fools, who, in the tradition of Francis Bacon's
Thomas Hobbes, regard punning, falsely, as "the lowest form of humor." Recognize that the use of the term
"symbol-mindedness," as applied to such critics, or theologians,
and their admirers, is exemplary of the highest of all artistic
principles, the same principle of metaphor which appears in the guise of a
cognitive discovery of a valid universal principle in physical science.
The same use of metaphor, as opposed to the use of symbolism, is the
principle of Shakespeare's compositions, which separates Classical poetry,
such as that of Keats, Shelley, Goethe, Schiller, and Heine, from
Romanticism. Puns, and related forms of irony, meet the standard otherwise
set by Analysis Situs in physical scientific discovery. A good pun,
like any form of strictly Classical artistic composition or scientific
discovery, is a necessary way of straining the customary use of language,
as a way of forcing the mind to recognize that a strictly customary use of
language prevents one from communicating the most important classes of
ideas, genuine discoveries. Of course, a pun which fails to meet the
Classical standard of irony or metaphor, including the standard of
Classical satire such as that of Rabelais or Cervantes, would be a
frivolous exercise. The aspect of the good pun which offends the
intellectually constipated pedant, is its obvious quality of playfulness,
as Schiller defines his view of Spieltrieb. That quality of
effervescent, cognitive expressions of playfulness, is a quality which
("Eureka!") distinguishes the creative personality, including
all competent scientific discoverers, from the pedant and drudge. It is
so-called "symbolic meanings" and "symbolic argument,"
which are the hoaxes from which a really good pun may often rescue us.
Admittedly, of course, it were better had the identity of the original
historical intention been allowed by the censor. Nonetheless, since the
real-life assassination and its international implications were widely
known in Verdi's time, the historical specificity of the pre-censored
version, may have placated the censor, but did not deceive him.
Like Shakespeare's history, from Henry II through Richard III, the period
from the Second Crusade, through the Fourth Crusade, and through the
overthrow of Richard III, was a period in which the leading imperial
maritime power of that interval, Venice's financier oligarchy, used the
Plantagenet house, the House of Anjou notably, as its leading partner in
crimes against the entirety of European civilization.
The dispensing of Ritalin and similar druggings of pupils, are to be
assessed as fulfilling the methods of social control, aided by drugging
and other stupefying measures, to be remembered from Aldous Huxley's
utopian Brave New World (New York: Harper and Row, 1989).
This revolution unfolded within the troubled framework of
Sixteenth-Century England. Sir Thomas More and William Shakespeare typify
the great impact which the Italy-centered Fifteenth-Century Renaissance
made upon the transformation of England from a brutish to a highly
civilized nation during the course of that century. All that is good in
English-language culture today, flows chiefly from that impact of the
Renaissance upon pre-James I England.
Carl Gauss, "Disquisitiones Arithmeticae," in Untersuchungen
über höhere Arithmetik, H. Maser, trans. (New York: Chelsea
Publishing Co., 1981).
Abraham Kästner, Geschichte der Mathematik (Hildesheim and
New York: Georg Olms Verlag, 1970). For Gauss's discussion of his
reluctance to identify his youthful adoption of an anti-Euclidean
standpoint in geometry, see also Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr., "Is
Western Europe Doomed?" EIR, Nov. 27, 1998,
Jonathan Swift, Gulliver's Travels (New York: St. Martin's
Kurt Gödel, "On Formally Undecidable Propositions of Principia
Mathematica and Related Systems" and Discussion on
Providing a Foundation for Mathematics, Collected Works,
Vol. I, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986).
Fairly estimated as more than five times the value of the same nominal
income of today.
Typical, from the 1930s U.S., was the wide influence of Dale Carnegie's How
to Win Friends and Influence People (New York: Simon and Schuster,
1936), which acquired some of the characteristics of mass-based
cult-worship, then and into the following decades. Today, a more vicious
expression of the same psychopathology, the cult of "sensitivity
training," spreads the same moral sickness in an even more
aggressively pathological form. The morally permissible way to influence
people, is to practice Platonic truthfulness, as the practice of Classical
humanist education provides a working model for this. The only morally
proper influence, is to do good, and spread its benefits.
Oscar Wilde, The Picture of Dorian Gray (New York: Modern
Grace is typified by Mozart's opera La Clemenza di Tito,
underscoring the same principle which Mozart applied to reworking the
libretto, in his The Abduction from the Seraglio.
You may recognize that you retain concepts you have developed in a
Classical humanist mode of cognitive action, much longer, and with much
greater fidelity, than so-called "facts" or other images
acquired through mere learning or pleasure-pain conditioned tendencies for
response. You should be able to recognize, from inspecting the behavior of
your own mind, that memory based on cognitive action, is of an entirely
different quality, represents a qualitatively different kind of functional
process, than memory based on learning or Kantian-like "negation of
the negation." Your recognizing those distinctions, may be
indispensable for grasping fully the argument I develop here.
These include "terrible things" from the past, present, and
prospective future. They strike you with a sense of a simultaneity of
eternity, in which time is condensed, but the primary order is preserved.
In this domain, you can not change the past, but you can change the
outcome of the past, as we do each time to bring to life an honorable
effort which seemed to have been crushed into nothingness in past time.
On the subject of the epistemological features of Freud's principal
writings, as one who had wrestled against the empiricists and Kantians
since adolescence, I could not ignore that Freud, like the existentialists
of the so-called Frankfurt School, is to be recognized chiefly as a
"neo-Kantian," like the Nazi philosopher Martin Heidegger,
Heidegger's friend Hannah Arendt, Theodor Adorno, Karl Jaspers, et al.
Although Freud's training was in the positivist school of Mach et al., it
was almost inevitable, that the result of Freud's applying that sort of
positivist mind-set to the social phenomena of the human mind and its
disorders, would produce a neo-Kantian view of individual social behavior.
At this point, I should supply an answer to what will be implied questions
from some readers. "Why, back during 1973-1975, did I, a political
figure, choose to attack Freud as I did, rather than simply present my
conceptions in their own terms?" From my experience with my
fellow-Americans, in particular, that since childhood, I had soon come to
recognize that the notion of "objective ideas" is a sick sort of
delusion, which leads to such noxious mental disorders as
"utopianism" and "single-issuism." It is change which
must be made; but, change from what? We must always change what
exists. This means relying upon the method of historical specificity,
taking our fellow-creature as we find him, and thinking of how to change that.
In dealing with both Marxism and Freud, as I did, I was intersecting the
U.S. population, in particular, as I knew it. The combined direct and
indirect influence of Freud upon the post-war U.S. generation confronted
me with a "Baby Boomer" generation, especially those passing
through university campuses, which had been saturated with the impact of
indoctrination in Freudian and related pathological influences. The
principle of Analysis Situs, requires that we define change with
reference to devastating contradictions between reality and pre-existing
There is an interesting distinction in the quality of the states which may
be justly recognized as "preconscious." Sometimes, it signifies
simply searching memory; this state is as encountered in the attempt to
generate an hypothesis which implicitly solves a contradiction or
ambiguity in Analysis Situs. The most functionally efficient form
of remembering is that in which recognition of a previously known term
occurs in the same way in which one's prior original knowledge had been
generated. In this latter case, preconscious activity has the character of
selecting the well-defined map in which earlier encounter with the desired
term had been made. The solving of a problem of discovery, or of memory,
by going to sleep and then awakening with the idea in the middle of the
night, is an example of this.
Vladimir I. Vernadsky, "On the Fundamental Material-Energetic
Difference Between Living and Non-Living Natural Bodies in the
Biosphere" (1938), Jonathan Tennenbaum and Rachel Douglas, trans., 21st
Century Science & Technology, Winter 2000-2001. I
introduced Vernadsky's work as a policy of our association in an advisory
presented in March 1973. This advisory led to the subsequent formation of
the Fusion Energy Foundation as a science foundation.
I first made these distinctions among conscious, preconscious, and
unconscious processes during the late 1940s, in the course of attacking
the absurdity of Norbert Wiener's reductionist misconception of
"information." Over the intervening years, my conception on
these matters has been refined, but not overturned in the process.
Dr. Armin Mohler, Die Konservative Revolution in Deutschland:
1918-1932 (Darmstadt: 1972).
A word of caution must be interpolated. While what I have just written is
true, as far as explicit claims are made for this point, there are
important, implicit qualifications to be considered, lest the reader
over-interpret what I have just stated explicitly on this point, in
applying what Vernadsky chose to term his concept of the observable,
measurable distinction, of an efficient existence adumbrated for the
observer by its "natural product." For example, in defining the
pitch of a tone of the scale in a well-tempered, bel canto-based
system of musical counterpoint, the application of algebraic values breaks
down, that for reasons understood by J.S. Bach, and all of the best
Classical performing artists. The value of the pitch of a tone varies, but
within a well-defined interval of the system as a whole. Thus, there is no
exact value to be assigned to the note on the printed score, but a range
of values. Which part of that range is used is precise for each specific
case, although a slightly different value must be chosen, even within the
same composition, according to precisely defined rules of counterpoint.
This is the same, too little understood basis for Leibniz's notion of a
monadology. Leibniz's monadology carries his development of a perfectly
non-linear notion of the calculus to a still higher level, in which there
is a distinction between a quality of an existent entity or condition, and
the precise mathematical values to be assigned to that entity under what
may be defined functionally as different states of that existence. Thus,
for the case at hand, above, a specific pathology is a distinct type of
existence, which may assume different expressions in different settings,
but whose quality of existence is independent of the difference in
settings. This notion of a distinction between provable existence and the
precise value expressed by that existence, is a matter related to the
principle of the way in which the sovereignty of the individual's
cognitive process, is expressed, by the way in which the discovery and
communication of a discovery of universal physical principle occurs. This
point may be tricky for those lacking the relevant education and
experience, but the point is of extreme importance for practice,
nonetheless. This monadology-cued method underlies the method, as reported
in detail by Planck himself, expressed in Max Planck's discovery of the
quantum, and is key for understanding that incompetence of such enemies of
Planck as the rabid followers of the radical positivists Ernst Mach and
Bertrand Russell, an incompetence which has haunted physics since then, to
the present day.
In the history of Anglo-Dutch liberal doctrines, Quesnay, like Bernard
Mandeville, and their follower Adam Smith, based the entirety of their
doctrine on the pure superstition, which they copied from the Bogomil
cult's tradition, that the successful outcome of a political economy,
depends upon an unknown agency operating magically, like an
"Invisible Hand," as from under the floorboards. This was the
conception of Mandeville and his Mont Pelerin Society followers today,
just as Adam Smith plagiarized the same notion, as laissez-faire,
from the French Physiocrat Dr. François Quesnay.
On this matter, Marx's Capital contradicts itself
frequently, as, implicitly, certain of the treatment of the notions of
productivity in Volume I, as against related notions of
"contradictions" in capital accumulation in Volume III.
Not only had Marx been associated with British Lord Palmerston's asset
Giuseppe Mazzini since Berlin days. It was Mazzini personally, who
convened the London meeting at which the International Workingmen's
Association was founded, the meeting at which Mazzini publicly designated
Marx as Secretary of the Association. Urquhart's function at the British
"Museum" was as intelligence controller of the network of
Mazzini's far-flung "Young Europe" and "Young America"
associations. It was the "Young America" branch which launched
the drive for the Confederacy from South Carolina. Obviously, Marx
abhorred the Confederacy, an abhorrence which, among other ironical items,
demonstrates his ingenuousness on relevant points of life in the days of
Bentham's protégé and successor, Lord Palmerston.
See, Philip Valenti, "The Anti-Newtonian Roots of the American
Revolution," EIR, Dec. 1, 1995; and Robert Trout,
"Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness," Fidelio,
Anton Chaitkin, Treason in America: From Aaron Burr to Averell
Harriman (Washington: Executive Intelligence Review, 1999).
Never allow ideology, such as mere popular opinion, to substitute itself
for science. Typical of the kinds of errors generated by ignoring such
basic principles of experimental science, are the false assumptions
underlying the Kyoto agreement on the subject of so-called "global
warming." Any competent study of global warming and cooling patterns,
must begin by setting forth the two dominant factors in determining the
cooling and warming trends in the Earth's atmosphere: the recurring
long-term cycles of glaciation, and cycles of Sun-spot and related action
by the Sun itself. The recent warming patterns documented, coincide almost
exactly with Sun-spot cycles. Overall, the world is in a long-range
cooling phase, since about a thousand years ago, leading toward a new ice
age a few millennia or so down the line.
March 1964 memorandum to Lyndon B. Johnson from the Ad Hoc Committee on
the Triple Revolution, "The Triple Revolution" (Santa Barbara,
California: 1964). www.pa.msu.edu/people/mulhall/mist/Triple.html.
Op. cit. Planck's result has a significant parallel in Weber's
experimental demonstration of the existence, and microphysical value, of
the Ampère "angular force" of electrodynamics.
Jonathan Tennenbaum et al., The Eurasian Land-Bridge: The `New Silk
Road'—Locomotive for Worldwide Economic Development (Washington,
D.C.: EIR News Service, Inc., January 1997)